BRAZIL VINTAGE ORIGINAL PHOTO RAILROAD REVOLUTION São Paulo Revolt 1924 crash

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Seller: memorabilia111 ✉️ (807) 100%, Location: Ann Arbor, Michigan, US, Ships to: US & many other countries, Item: 176277810579 BRAZIL VINTAGE ORIGINAL PHOTO RAILROAD REVOLUTION São Paulo Revolt 1924 crash. A VINTAGE ORIGINAL 5X8  INCH PHOTO OFD THE REVOLUTION IN BRAZIL FROM 1924 THE REVOLUTION IN BRAZIL 9135:- The Texans of Brazil, soldiers from the State of Rio Grande do Sul, rest after a success- full assault on the rebels occupying the Quarterly da LUZ--a strong outpost of San pAULO. These men are recruited from a cattle section of brazil and are compared to Texans of the U 3. 9136:- When government troops were approaching Sao Paulo by train the rebels turned loose a heavy engine running at top speed to meet the leading troop train, The only casualties were three trainmen. The crash came at Parada, n sao Paulo suburb, YOUR CREDIT LINE MUST READ:-(BY UNITED) The São Paulo Revolt of 1924 (also called Revolution of 1924, Movement of 1924 and Rebellion of 1924) was a Brazilian conflict with characteristics of a civil war, triggered by tenentist rebels to overthrow the government of president Artur Bernardes. Initially started in the city of São Paulo on 5 July, the revolt expanded to the interior of the state and inspired other uprisings. The urban combat ended in a loyalist victory on 28 July. The rebels' withdrawal, until September, prolonged the rebellion with the Paraná Campaign
Rio Grande do Sul (UK: /ˌriːuː ˌɡrændi duː ˈsʊl/,[3] US: /- ˌɡrɑːndi duː ˈsuːl/,[4] Portuguese: [ˈʁi.u ˈɡɾɐ̃dʒ(i) du ˈsuw] ⓘ; lit. "Great River of the South") is a state in the southern region of Brazil. It is the fifth-most-populous state and the ninth largest by area. Located in the southernmost part of the country, Rio Grande do Sul is bordered clockwise by Santa Catarina to the north and northeast, the Atlantic Ocean to the east, the Uruguayan departments of Rocha, Treinta y Tres, Cerro Largo, Rivera and Artigas to the south and southwest, and the Argentine provinces of Corrientes and Misiones to the west and northwest. The capital and largest city is Porto Alegre. The state has the highest life expectancy in Brazil, and the crime rate is relatively low compared to the Brazilian national average.[5] Despite the high standard of living, unemployment is still high in the state, as of 2017.[6] The state has 5.4% of the Brazilian population and it is responsible for 6.6% of the Brazilian GDP. The state shares a gaucho culture with its neighbors Argentina and Uruguay. Before the arrival of Portuguese and Spanish settlers, it was inhabited mostly by the Guarani and Kaingang peoples (with smaller populations of Charrúa and Minuane). The first Europeans there were Jesuits, followed by settlers from the Azores. In the 19th century it was the scene of conflicts including the Ragamuffin War and the Paraguayan War. Large waves of German and Italian migration have shaped the state as well. Geography Pico do Monte Negro is the highest mountain in the state. Map with municipal boundaries Rio Grande do Sul is bordered to the northeast by the Brazilian State of Santa Catarina, to the southeast by the Atlantic Ocean, on the southwest by Uruguay, and to the northwest by the Argentine provinces of Corrientes and Misiones. The northern part of the state lies on the southern slopes of the elevated plateau extending southward from São Paulo across the states of Paraná and Santa Catarina, and is much broken by low mountain ranges whose general direction across the trend of the slope gives them the appearance of escarpments. A range of low mountains extends southward from the Serra do Mar of Santa Catarina and crosses the state into Uruguay. West of this range is a vast grassy plain devoted principally to stock-raising – the northern and most elevated part being suitable in pasturage and climate for sheep, and the southern for cattle. East of it is a wide coastal zone only slightly elevated above the sea; within it are two great estuarine lagoons, the Lagoa dos Patos and Lagoa Mirim, which are separated from the ocean by two sandy, partially barren peninsulas. The coast is one great sand beach, broken only by the outlet of the two lakes, called the Rio Grande, which affords an entrance to navigable inland waters and several ports. There are two distinct river systems in Rio Grande do Sul – that of the eastern slope draining to the lagoons, and that of the Río de la Plata basin draining westward to the Uruguay River.[7] Araucaria in the Mountains Region of Rio Grande do Sul Pampas deer The larger rivers of the eastern group are the Jacuí, Sinos, Caí, Gravataí and Camaquã, which flow into the Lagoa dos Patos, and the Jaguarão which flows into the Lagoa Mirim. All of the first named, except the Camaquã, discharge into one of the two arms or estuaries opening into the northern end of Lagoa dos Patos, which is called the Guaíba River, though technically it is not a river but a lake. The Guaíba River is broad, comparatively deep and about 56 kilometres (35 mi) long, and with the rivers discharging into it affords upwards of 320 kilometres (200 mi) of fluvial navigation. The Jacuí is one of the most important rivers of the state, rising in the ranges of the Coxilha Grande of the north and flowing south and southeast to the Guaíba estuary, with a course of nearly 480 kilometres (300 mi) It has two large tributaries, the Vacacaí from the south and the Taquari from the north, and many small streams. The Jaguarão, which forms part of the boundary line with Uruguay, is navigable 42 km up to and beyond the town of Jaguarão.[7] Yacumã Falls in the Turvo State Park are the second widest in the world. In addition to the Lagoa dos Patos and Lagoa Mirim there are a number of small lakes on the sandy, swampy peninsulas that lie between the coast and these two, and there are others of a similar character along the northern coast. The largest lake is the Lagoa dos Patos (Lake of the Patos – an Indian tribe inhabiting its shores at the time of European discovery), which lies parallel with the coastline, northeast and southwest, and is about 214 kilometres (133 mi) long exclusive of the two arms at its northern end, 40 58 km long respectively, and of its outlet, the Rio Grande, about 39 km long. Its width varies from 35 to 58 km. The lake is comparatively shallow and filled with sand banks, making its navigable channels tortuous and difficult. The Lagoa Mirim occupies a similar position farther south, on the Uruguayan border, and is about 175 kilometres (109 mi) long by 10 to 35 km wide. It is more irregular in outline and discharges into Lagoa dos Patos through a navigable channel known as the São Gonçalo Channel. A part of the lake lies in Uruguayan territory, but its navigation, as determined by treaty, belongs exclusively to Brazil. Both of these lakes are evidently the remains of an ancient depression in the coastline shut in by sand beaches built up by the combined action of wind and current. They are of the same level as the ocean, but their waters are affected by the tides and are brackish only a short distance above the Rio Grande outlet.[7] Fully one-third of the state belongs to the Río de la Plata drainage basin. Of the many streams flowing northward and westward to the Uruguay, the largest are the Ijuí of the plateau region, the Ibicuí, which has its source near Santa Maria in the central part of the state and flows westward to the Uruguay a short distance above Uruguaiana, and the Quaraí River which forms part of the boundary line with Uruguay. The Uruguay River itself is formed by the confluence of the Canoas and Pelotas rivers. The Pelotas, which has its source in the Serra do Mar on the Atlantic coast, and the Uruguay River forms the northern and western boundary line of the state down to the mouth of the Quaraí, on the Uruguayan frontier.[7] Climate Canyon Fortaleza at the Aparados da Serra National Park. Snow in Caxias do Sul. Rio Grande do Sul lies within the south temperate zone and is predominantly humid subtropical (Cfa, according to the Köppen climate classification). The climate is subtropical highland (Cfb) in the highest areas. There are four relatively well-defined seasons and rainfall is well distributed throughout the year, but occasional droughts can occur. The winter months, June to September, are characterized by heavy rains and by a cold southwesterly wind, called minuano, which sometimes lowers the temperature to below freezing, especially in the mountainous municipalities,[7] where snowfalls can occur. The lowest official temperature registered in the state was −9.8 °C (14 °F) in Bom Jesus, on August 1, 1955.[8] In summer, the temperature rises to 37 °C (99 °F), and heat related injuries are not uncommon. Ecoregions Several ecoregions cover portions of the state. In the northeastern corner of the state, between the Serra do Mar/Serra Geral and the Atlantic, lies the southern extension of the Serra do Mar coastal forests, a belt of evergreen tropical moist forests that extend north along the coastal strip as far as Rio de Janeiro state. The high plateau behind the Serra do Mar is occupied by the Araucaria moist forests, a subtropical forests characterized by evergreen, laurel-leaved forests interspersed with emergent Brazilian Pines (Araucaria angustifolia). The Alto Paraná Atlantic forests lie on the lower slopes of the plateau south and east of the Araucaria forests, including much of the lower basin of the Jacuí and its tributaries. These forests are semi-deciduous, with many trees losing their leaves in the winter dry season. The Atlantic Coast restingas, distinctive forests which grow on nutrient-poor coastal dunes, extend along the coast, as far as the Uruguayan border. The southeastern portion of the state is covered by the Pampas, which extends south into Uruguay, in a plateau named Serras de Sudeste (Southeastern Mountain Ranges). History Main article: History of Rio Grande do Sul During the Brazilian Colonial period, the province of South Rio Grande was the scene of small wars and border skirmishes between Portugal and Spain for the region, the Sacramento Colony, and the Guarani Missions. It was also a focal point for internal rebellions in the 19th and the early 20th centuries. Guarani Wars Main article: Guarani War According to the treaty of Tordesillas, the region was to be part of the Spanish possessions in South America. However, the Spanish were much more interested in the Pacific Coast, where gold, silver, and gems were quickly found. Even in the Atlantic coast, their attention was on the River Plate where they built the seaport of Buenos Aires, on its right bank. Consequently, Spanish settlement followed the course of the River Plate and its tributaries, especially the Paraná and Uruguay rivers, largely ignoring the Rio Grande do Sul area. The Spanish introduced livestock which escaped into the plains and attracted gauchos to the area. The first Spanish to settle in the region that is now Paraguay, northwestern Argentina (Corrientes, Misiones), and Rio Grande do Sul were Jesuit missionary priests who came with the idea of converting the indigenous population to Catholic Christianity. To that end, they founded missionary villages known in Spanish as misiones or reducciones, populated by Guarani Indians. In the early 17th century, the Jesuits founded missions to the east of the Uruguay river, and in the northwest of modern Rio Grande do Sul.[9] The historic town of São Miguel das Missões The missions were destroyed and their Guarani inhabitants were enslaved in large raids by bandeirantes between 1636 and 1638; however, in 1687, the Jesuits were back in the region, having refounded seven reductions, the Misiones Orientales. The region remained under Spanish sovereignty, though in practice the Jesuits operated quite independently as consequence of the spanish laws, up to the late 17th century. But in 1680, the Portuguese founded Colônia do Sacramento on the northern bank of the River Plate, in what is now Uruguay. War ensued and was intermittent until the independence of Uruguay in 1828.[10] The logistics of defending Colônia against the Spanish resulted in a government effort to settle Rio Grande do Sul's coastal region with Brazilian and Portuguese colonists. In 1737, a fortified village (today the city of Rio Grande) was built at the entrance of Lagoa dos Patos. In 1752, a group of Azorean settlers founded Porto Alegre; to the west, Rio Pardo was also founded. Towards the middle of the century, Brazilians and Portuguese arrived to the west of the region, clashing with the Jesuits and the Guaranis. Up to 1756, the Guaranis fought back, under the leadership of Sepé Tiaraju, who was popularly canonized as São Sepé (Saint Sepé). However, the Portuguese and Brazilians eventually crushed the resistance, destroyed the missions, and the region came definitely into Portuguese hegemony.[11] In 1738 the territory (which included the present state of Santa Catarina) became the Capitania d'el Rei and was made a dependency of Rio de Janeiro. Territorial disputes between Spain and Portugal led to the occupation by the Spaniards of the town of Rio Grande (then the capital of the capitania) and neighboring districts from 1763 to 1776, when they reverted to the Portuguese. The capture of Rio Grande in 1763 caused the removal of the seat of government to Viamão at the head of Lagoa dos Patos; in 1773 Porto dos Cazaes, renamed Porto Alegre, became the capital. These historic acts were planned and directed by Manuel Sepúlveda, who used the fictitious name or pseudonym José Marcelino de Figueiredo, to hide his identity. In 1801 news of war between Spain and Portugal led to the capture of the Sete Povos and some frontier posts. In 1777, the Santo Ildefonso Treaty granted the coastal region to Portugal, and the Missões to Spain; but, in practice, both regions were populated by Portuguese and Brazilian settlers. In 1801, the Badajoz treaty handed the Misiones (Missões) to the Portuguese; only the borders between modern Uruguay and Rio Grande do Sul remained in dispute.[12] Cisplatine War Main article: Cisplatine War The districts of Santa Catarina and Rio Grande had been separated in 1760 for military convenience, and in 1807 the latter was elevated to the category of a "capitania-geral", with the designation of "Sao Pedro do Rio Grande", independent of Rio de Janeiro, and with Santa Catarina as a dependency. In 1812 Rio Grande and Santa Catarina were organized into two distinct comarcas, the latter becoming an independent province in 1822 when the Empire of Brazil was organized. In 1816, the Portuguese captured Uruguay, which became a Province of Brazil (Província Cisplatina). This situation outlasted Brazil's independence from Portugal in 1822; in 1825, however, Juan Antonio Lavalleja proclaimed the independence of Uruguay; war followed, until in 1828 Brazil recognized Uruguayan independence. Farroupilha Revolution Main article: Farroupilha Revolution Rebel Cavalry during the Farroupilha Revolution. Giuseppe Garibaldi leading the Riograndense navy to Laguna. Painting by Lucílio de Albuquerque, 1916. Populating Rio Grande do Sul was a constant concern of the Portuguese. To that end, the metropolitan Crown distributed land in the form of enormous latifundia.[13] In those large latifundia, cattle raising was the predominant economic activity. The Guaranis, under Jesuit rule, had started raising cattle in the Missões. The destruction of the Missões left astray immense herds, which went feral. Thus the newcomers from São Paulo and Santa Catarina settled by re-domesticating these feral herds, called "gado xucro".[14] The Azorean settlers, on the other hand, mainly introduced wheat crops in much smaller properties. Up to the beginning of the 19th century, wheat was the main export product of Rio Grande do Sul.[14] However, the introduction of charqueadas in the Southern coast, following the 1777 drought in Ceará, opened new opportunities to husbandry, as from them on, instead of moving herds by land to São Paulo, cattle could be sold in the relatively nearby region of Pelotas, to be slaughtered and processed there, and further transported by sea to Santos, Rio de Janeiro, and other Brazilian harbours. The cheap jerky was commonly used as food for the enslaved laborers in other parts of Brazil.[15] Up to 1830, political unrest in Argentina and Uruguay favoured the jerky producers of Pelotas. But with order restored in these countries, competition by Argentinian and Uruguayan jerky producers became a concern. The jerky industry of the Plata was favored by the superior quality of Argentinian and Uruguayan pastures, by their better seaports,[16] and by their use of free labor, instead of slavery.[17] Consequently, the regional elites soon started to demand customs protection for the gaúcho jerky against the product of the Rio de la Plata; on the failure of the Imperial government to address those concerns, political demands of greater autonomy, and ideas of a federal relationship towards the rest of Brazil were put forth.[16] These escalated into full rebellion in 1835. In 1834, the Imperial government issued an "Ato Adicional", allowing for elected Provincial legislative assemblies. The first gaúcha Legislative Assembly, inaugurated in April 1835, quickly confronted the Provincial President (appointed by the Regency on behalf of the Emperor, who was a minor). Rebellion broke out in the province on September 20, 1835; giving up hope of redress of the situation by the Imperial Government, the gaúchos proclaimed independence of the Riograndense Republic on September 11, 1836.[18] Declaration of the Baron of Caxias announcing the end of the Revolution Farroupilha, 1845. National Archives of Brazil The ensuing Farroupilha Revolution (known locally as Guerra dos Farrapos) lasted ten years. The rebels stormed Porto Alegre, but were driven out from there in June 1836. From then on, the Empire was able to control most of the coastal region, achieving decisive strategic advantage from this. However, in 1839, the rebels were still able to invade Santa Catarina, where they proclaimed a Juliana Republic, in a federal relationship with Rio Grande do Sul (during the Santa Catarina campaign, Giuseppe Garibaldi joined the rebels for a while before he returned to Europe and eventually became a hero in his native Italy). The Empire soon retook initiative, though, and from them on the rebels fought in the defensive.[19] In 1842, the Empire assigned a new Provincial governor and military commander, the Baron, later Duke of Caxias. The inability of the rebels to secure contact with the world through a seaport, the dwindling economy of the Province, combined with Caxias' superior capabilities as military commander, led to the fall, in 1843, of important rebel strongholds, Caçapava do Sul, Bagé, and Alegrete. Economically exhausted and militarily defeated, the rebels accepted Caxias' terms of surrender. A general amnesty was declared, the rebellious officials were incorporated into the Imperial Army, slaves enrolled in the rebel Army were freed. Additionally, the Empire imposed a 25% tax on foreign jerky imports.[20] The province suffered greatly in the struggle, but recovered quickly, not only due to the import tax protection, but mainly due to renewed instability in Argentina and Uruguay: Rosas' government in Argentina continually interfered in Uruguayan affairs until 1851, and Buenos Aires was blockaded by the French and the English from 1845 to 1848.[21] Conflicts with neighbouring countries At mid-19th century, Rio Grande do Sul was repeatedly involved in war between Brazil and its neighbours. Those included war against Argentina and Uruguay (deposal of Juan Manuel Rosas, Argentinian dictator, and Manuel Ceferino Oribe y Viana, Uruguayan president, 1852) and intervention in Uruguay (deposal of Atanasio Cruz Aguirre, 1864). This, in turn, led to Paraguayan intervention, and the Paraguayan War, known in Portuguese as Guerra do Paraguai. In the war against Rosas, 75% of the Brazilian troops were gaúchos. As the only Brazilian boundaries actually facing foreign armies able to project the Empire's power, Rio Grande do Sul and its gaúchos quickly developed a reputation as soldiers.[22] Paraguayan War Map of Rio Grande do Sul in 1877 during the Empire of Brazil. National Archives of Brazil. A German School in Estrela, 1866. Italian Immigrants in Rio Grande do Sul, late 19th century. Main article: Paraguayan War During this long and bloody war against Paraguay, Rio Grande do Sul remained usually a secondary front. But in 1865 a Paraguayan division invaded the state, occupying Uruguaiana by August 5. By August 16, troops of the Triple Alliance put siege to Uruguaiana, and by September 17, an ultimatum was delivered to General Estigarribia, commander of the Paraguayan division. Having no possibility of breaking the siege or defending the position, the Paraguayans surrendered, under conditions, the following day.[23] But if the territory of Rio Grande do Sul was spared most action, its dwellers provided a very significant part of the Brazilian troops: about 34,000 soldiers, more than 25% of the Brazilian army. This military characteristic of Rio Grande do Sul lasted long after the Paraguayan War: In 1879, of a standing army of less than 15,000, more than 5,000 were in Rio Grande do Sul. On the other hand, during the late Empire, more Brazilian generals were from Rio Grande do Sul than from any other province. In 1889, of 25 generals born in Brazil, four were from Rio Grande do Sul; and of the three born abroad, two were born in Uruguay but made their careers in Rio Grande do Sul.[24] Late Empire A German Protestant school for girls in Novo Hamburgo, 1886. Political agitation was frequent in Rio Grande do Sul, but no important revolution occurred after the Ponche Verde Treaty in 1845 until the presidency at Rio de Janeiro of General Floriano Peixoto, whose ill-considered interference with state governments led to the revolt of 1892–94, under Gumercindo Saraiva. After the Paraguayan War, Rio Grande do Sul underwent important changes in its economy. Railways connected the countryside to Porto Alegre and Rio Grande. Together with the introduction of steam ships, this reduced the costs and duration of transportation, facilitating the province's exports. New cattle breeds were introduced, and barbed wire was used to demarcate properties.[25] As a consequence, the population of the province doubled between 1872 and 1890, from 434,813 inhabitants to 897,455.[26] This was partly due to immigration: about 60,000 immigrants, mostly from Italy, and, in lesser numbers, from Germany, came to Rio Grande do Sul during this period. Most of the Italians settled in the Serra Gaúcha, and most of the Germans in the valleys of the Jacuí, Sinos, and Caí, as small landed proprietors, and agricultural producers. In the area of German settlements, a messianic movement, the Muckers (German for false Saints) erupted in 1874, and was smashed by the Brazilian Army.[27] Also during this period, the Liberal Party established its hegemony over the province, meaning control of the provincial legislature, the National Guard in Rio Grande do Sul, and most of the municipal governments. Before the War of the Triple Alliance, the Conservative and Liberal parties had alternated in local power, following the national tendency. But, from 1872 on, the Liberals, under the leadership of Gaspar Silveira Martins, were able to retain provincial power, even when the Conservatives won at national level.[28] 1893 Revolution In this struggle the revolutionaries occupied Santa Catarina and Paraná, capturing Curitiba, but were eventually overthrown through their inability to obtain munitions of war. An incident in this struggle was the death of Admiral Saldanha da Gama, one of the most brilliant officers of the Brazilian navy and one of the chiefs of the naval revolt of 1893–94, who was killed in a skirmish on the Uruguayan border towards the end of the conflict. 1923 Revolution In 1923, civil war again exploded between supporters of State President Borges de Medeiros and opposition linked to the Partido Libertador and Assis Brasil. 1930 Revolution In 1930, State President Getúlio Vargas, after unsuccessfully running in the presidential elections against the candidate of São Paulo, Júlio Prestes, led a revolt against the Federal government, and succeeded in overthrowing it. This eventually led to the Vargas dictatorship in 1937 and the period known as the Estado Novo. What is now the Rio Grande do Sul Military Brigade fought on the side of the state leadership and, as a result, was never reformed. In fact, the Brigade remains the only state militia in Brazil. (The Military Police is the federal force that polices in the other states.) A poignant example of the Brigade's quasi-autonomy is the participation of its servicemen in both the coup attempt of 1961 and the military coup in 1964. Demographics Historical population Year Pop. ±% p.a. 1872 434,813 —     1890 897,455 +4.11% 1900 1,149,070 +2.50% 1920 2,182,713 +3.26% 1940 3,320,689 +2.12% 1950 4,674,645 +3.48% 1960 5,448,823 +1.54% 1970 6,755,458 +2.17% 1980 7,942,722 +1.63% 1991 9,135,479 +1.28% 2000 10,181,749 +1.21% 2010 10,693,929 +0.49% 2022 10,880,506 +0.14% source:[29] A 19th-century house built by Italian immigrants in Caxias do Sul According to the IBGE of 2008, there were 10,860,000 people residing in the state. The population density was 38.53 inhabitants per square kilometre (99.8/sq mi). Urbanization: 81% (2004); population growth: 1.2% (1991–2000); houses: 3,464,544 (2005).[30] The last PNAD (National Research for Sample of Domiciles) counted 8,776,000 white people (81%), 1,495,000 brown (Multiracial) people (14%), 529,000 black people (5%), 43,000 Amerindian people (0.4%), 11,000 Asian people (0.1%).[31] According to a genetic study from 2013, Brazilians in Rio Grande do Sul have an average of 73% European, 14% African and 13% Amerindian ancestry.[32] Ethnic groups Ethnicities of Rio Grande do Sul in 2010.[33]   White (83.22%)   Pardo (mixed-race) (10.64%)   Black (5.50%)   Asian (0.33%)   Indigenous (0.31%) People of Portuguese – mostly Azorean – background predominate in the coastal region. The Southwest, on the other hand, was originally populated by Pampeano Indians.[34] Like the other Gauchos from the La Plata Basin the population there was a result from the mixture of Spanish and Portuguese men with Amerindian women with a possible predominant Spanish ancestry and also a significant African contribution,[35] resulting in a population that is 81.20% White.[36] These theoretical speculations about Spanish predominance among the population of Southwestern Rio Grande do Sul are widely presumed, but they contradict the historical knowledge about the region. In fact, there was always some Spanish colonial presence there, however in practice restricted to Jesuit religious initiatives towards the Amerindian populations, which had limited genetic impact in the demographic composition of aboriginal populations. On the other hand, it is broadly accepted that it is northern Uruguay that always has had an important Luso-Brazilian influence,[37] which in fact impacts to this day the mixed Spanish-Portuguese language of northern Uruguay along the border with Brazil (borderlands).[38] Kerb by Pedro Weingärtner, 1892. The work portrays a typical German festival in a rural community. German architecture in Nova Petrópolis. People of German descent predominate in the Sinos Valley (Novo Hamburgo, São Leopoldo, Nova Hartz, Dois Irmãos, Morro Reuter, etc.) and in the center-eastern part of the State (Santa Cruz do Sul). People of Italian descent predominate in the mountains (Serra Gaúcha: Caxias do Sul, Bento Gonçalves, Farroupilha, Garibaldi, etc.). The Northern and Northwestern parts of the State also have significant numbers of people of both Italian and German descent. There are sizeable communities of Poles and Ukrainians across the state, notably in the northwest. People of African ancestry are concentrated in the capital city and in some cities in the litoral, such as Pelotas and Rio Grande.[39] According to Argentine demographer Miguel Ángel García, Italian immigrants were 60% of the total immigration to Rio Grande do Sul[40] and according to French historian Jean Roche as of 1950 people of German descent made up 21.6% of the state's population.[41] Monument in Porto Alegre to honor the Azorean immigrants The region that is now Rio Grande do Sul was originally settled by Amerindian peoples, mostly Guaraní and Kaingangs and, to a lesser extent, Charrúas and Minuanes.[42] European presence in the region started in 1627 with Spanish Jesuits. The Jesuits established Indian Reductions in the region; those reductions where populated exclusively by Amerindians, mainly Guarani, and certainly not by Europeans, either Spanish or Portuguese. Portuguese Jesuits established Indian Reductions in 1687 and dominated the region.[citation needed] Most of the Indians of the region became Catholics and went to live among the Jesuits. These reductions were destroyed by the Bandeirantes from São Paulo in the 18th century, who wanted to enslave the Indians. The Portuguese settlement in Rio Grande do Sul was largely increased between 1748 and 1756, with the arrival of two thousand immigrants from the Azores Islands, Portugal. They settled many parts of the state, including the nowadays capital, Porto Alegre. Blacks were 50 percent of Rio Grande do Sul's population in 1822. This proportion decreased to 25 percent in 1858 and to only 5.2 percent in 2005. Most of them were brought from Angola to work as slaves in the charqueadas. German immigrants first arrived to Southern Brazil in 1824. They were attracted to Brazil to protect the country from invasions of the neighboring countries and to populate the empty interior of the southern region. The first city to be settled by them was São Leopoldo. In the next five decades, around 28 thousand Germans were brought to the region to work as small farmers in the countryside.[43] Italian immigrants started arriving in Rio Grande do Sul in 1875. They were mostly poor peasants from Trentino and Veneto, Northern Italy, who were attracted to Southern Brazil to get their own farms. Italian immigration to the region lasted until 1914, with a total of 100,000 Italians settling there in this period. Most of the immigrants worked as small farmers, mainly cultivating grapes in the Serra Gaúcha part of the state.[44] Other European immigrants migrated to Rio Grande do Sul, mostly from Eastern Europe. The Jewish Colonization Association assisted Russian-Jewish immigrants to settle on agricultural land in the state. A memoir of one such immigrant community, Filipson, Memórias da primeira colônia judaica no Rio Grande do Sul (Filipson: Memories of the First Jewish Colony in Rio Grande do Sul), was published by Frida Alexandr in 1967.[45] The town of Gramado has occasional snowfalls. Guardian Angel Cathedral in Santo Ângelo. European genomic ancestry predominates throughout Brazil at 80%, except for the Southern Region (which includes Rio Grande do Sul), where it reaches 90%. "A new portrayal of each ethnicity contribution to the DNA of Brazilians, obtained with samples from the five regions of the country, has indicated that, on average, European ancestors are responsible for nearly 80% of the genetic heritage of the population. The variation between the regions is small, with the possible exception of the South, where the European contribution reaches nearly 90%. The results, published by the scientific magazine 'American Journal of Human Biology' by a team of the Catholic University of Brasília, show that, in Brazil, physical indicators such as skin colour, colour of the eyes and colour of the hair have little to do with the genetic ancestry of each person, which has been shown in previous studies".[46] As of 2013, there were fewer than 30,000 Nisei in Rio Grande do Sul. Japanese immigrant families from São Paulo State began arriving in Rio Grande do Sul in the 1930s. In 1956, the first 23 official immigrants came to the state, and 26 families arrived at Rio Grande in the years from 1956 through 1963. In 2013, Peter B. Clarke, author of Japanese New Religions in Global Perspective, wrote that "Nowadays we cannot speak of a Japanese colony in RS."[47] Largest cities    Largest cities or towns in Rio Grande do Sul (2019 estimative of Instituto Brasileiro de Geografia e Estatística)[48] Rank Pop. Rank Pop. Caxias do Sul Caxias do Sul 1 Porto Alegre 1,483,771 11 Alvorada 210,305 Pelotas Pelotas Canoas Canoas 2 Caxias do Sul 510,906 12 Passo Fundo 203,275 3 Pelotas 342,405 13 Sapucaia do Sul 141,075 4 Canoas 346,616 14 Uruguaiana 126,970 5 Santa Maria 282,123 15 Santa Cruz do Sul 130,416 6 Gravataí 281,519 16 Cachoeirinha 130,293 7 Viamão 255,224 17 Bagé 121,143 8 Novo Hamburgo 246,748 18 Bento Gonçalves 120,454 9 São Leopoldo 236,835 19 Erechim 105,862 10 Rio Grande 211,005 20 Guaíba 98,143 Religion Religion in Rio Grande do Sul (2010)[49][50]   Catholic Church (68.8%)   Protestantism (18.3%)   Spiritism (0.8%)   Other religions (4.4%)   Irreligious (5.3%) According to the 2010 Brazilian Census, most of the population (68.8%) is Roman Catholic, other religious groups include Protestants or evangelicals (18.3%), Spiritists (0.8%), Nones 5.3%, and people with other religions (4.4).[49][50] Education Federal University of Rio Grande do Sul Hospital is a nationwide reference, it is located in the centre of Porto Alegre. Unisinos University in São Leopoldo. There are more than 100 universities in the state.[51] The largest public university is UFRGS and the largest private one is PUCRS. Economy Porto Alegre, capital of Rio Grande do Sul, at night A winery in Bento Gonçalves. Rio Grande do Sul is the biggest wine producer in Brazil. Sheep Farming in Rio Grande do Sul Soybean plantation in Novo Barreiro. The industrial sector is the largest component of GDP at 43%, followed by the service sector at 41%. Agriculture represents 16% of GDP (2004). Rio Grande do Sul exports: footwear 18%, soybeans 14%, tobacco 13.6%, vehicles 8%, frozen meat 7.2%, chemicals 6.8%, and leather 5% (2002). Share of the Brazilian economy: 7% (2005). One of the most prosperous Brazilian states, Rio Grande do Sul is known especially for its grain production, viticulture, ranching, and for its considerable industrial output. In 1827, emigrants from Idar-Oberstein discovered the world's most important agate deposit in Rio Grande do Sul. As early as 1834, the first delivery of agate from Rio Grande do Sul had been made to Idar-Oberstein. The Brazilian agate exhibited very even layers, much more even than those seen in the local agates. This made them especially good for making engraved gems. In agriculture, the state stands out in the production of soybeans, maize, wheat, rice, tobacco, grape, apple, cassava and yerba mate, in addition to also producing oat, barley, orange, peach, fig, tangerine, persimmon and strawberry. In 2020, the South Region produced 32% of the national total of cereals, vegetables and oilseeds. There were 77.2 million tons, second place in Brazil, losing only to the Midwest. Rio Grande do Sul (14.3%) was the 3rd largest producer in the country.[52] Rio Grande do Sul is the largest producer of rice in the country, with 70.5% of Brazil's production, close to 7.3 million tons in 2020.[53][52] It is also the largest producer of tobacco in Brazil, and is the largest exporter in the world. Brazil is the second largest producer in the world and leader in tobacco exports since the 1990s, with 98% of Brazilian production being carried out in the South Region.[54][55] The state is responsible for 90% of the national production of grapes, and produces 90% of the wine produced in the country, 85% of the sparkling wine, and 90% of the grape juice, mainly in the area of Caxias do Sul and surroundings: 664.2 thousand tons of grape in 2018.[56][57][58] In soy, Rio Grande do Sul is the 3rd largest producer in the country, with about 16% of national production. It produced 19.3 million tons.[59][52] In 2017, it was also 3rd largest producer of maize.[60][61][62] Rio Grande do Sul is also the largest national producer of wheat, with 2.3 million tons in 2019.[52][63][64] The South Region is also the largest producer of oats in Brazil. In 2019, national production was close to 800 thousand tons, being almost all carried out in the South (Paraná and Rio Grande do Sul).[65][66] The three Southern States of the country are responsible for 95% of the national production of apple, and Santa Catarina appears at the top of the production list, disputing with Rio Grande do Sul. Rio Grande do Sul harvests 45% of Brazilian apples, and is the largest exporter of apples in the country. The region in the vicinity of Vacaria is the highlight: it concentrates 88% of the state's production and 37% of the national production.[67][68] In cassava production, Brazil produced a total of 17.6 million tons in 2018. The state was the 4th largest producer in the country, with almost 1 million tons.[69] About orange, Rio Grande do Sul was the 5th largest producer in Brazil in 2018, with a total of 367 thousand tons.[70] Rio Grande do Sul is the largest producer of peaches in Brazil, with half the volume harvested in Brazil in 2018.[71] It is also the largest producer of fig in the country, according to data from 2018.[72] In 2018, Rio Grande do Sul was the 3rd largest producers of tangerine in Brazil. Rio Grande do Sul is also responsible for 19% of Brazil's persimmon production, being the 2nd largest national producer.[73][74] In 2019, in Brazil, there was a total production area of around 4 thousand hectares of strawberry. Rio Grande do Sul was the 3rd largest producer.[75] In 2019, Brazil produced about 900 thousand tons of yerba mate annually. Paraná is the largest producer in volume and Rio Grande do Sul in plantation areas (and where the sector is more industrialized). According to 2017 data, Paraná harvested 301 thousand tons of yerba mate by extractive method, while Rio Grande do Sul harvested 17 thousand tons. On the other hand, while the gauchos harvested 302 thousand tons of planted grass, the Paraná harvested 237 thousand tons in this method. The productive potential of yerba mate is still little explored in Brazil, with a good part of the harvest carried out by the extractive system and with low levels of productivity. However, many new producers are adopting more professional and efficient production systems, with technical acuity of management and globalized market vision. This tends to increase Brazil's export of this product. Expointer in Esteio is considered the largest livestock show in Latin America. In 2018, the state's cattle herd was 12.5 million head, 7th place in the country, 6.5% of Brazil's cattle herd.[76] In 2019, Rio Grande do Sul produced a total of 4.5 billion liters of milk, making it the third largest producer in the country, with 13.0% of the country's total.[77] In sheep farming, in 2017 the South Region was the 2nd largest in the country, with 4.2 million heads. Rio Grande do Sul has 94% of the country's wool production.[78] In pork, the 3 southern states are the largest producers in the country. Brazil had 41.1 million head in 2017. Rio Grande do Sul (14.6%) is the 3rd largest producer.[79][80] Vineyards in Flores da Cunha Neugebauer's headquarters in Arroio do Meio. Marcopolo S.A. is a global bus and coach manufacturer with headquarters in Caxias do Sul. Gerdau plant in Charqueadas Calçados Beira Rio, one of the biggest shoe factories in the country. The Brazilian poultry flock, in 2018, was of the order of 1.5 billion heads. In 2017, the main poultry producing states in Brazil were Paraná (25.3%), São Paulo (14.0%), and Rio Grande do Sul (11.0%). In terms of chickens, in 2017 there were 242.8 million heads in the country. Among the states that were the largest producers, São Paulo led with 21.9%, followed by Paraná (10.1%) and Rio Grande do Sul (8.8%).[81] In the production of chicken eggs, the state ranks fifth in Brazil, with 8% of national production. There were 354 million dozen in 2018.[82] The South region was the main producer of honey in the country in 2017, accounting for 39.7% of the national total. Rio Grande do Sul was the largest producer in the country, with 15.2%.[79] Regarding mining, the state is a major producer of gemstones. Brazil is the world's largest producer of amethyst and agate, and Rio Grande do Sul is the largest producer in the country. Agate has local extraction since 1830. The largest producer of amethyst in Brazil is the city of Ametista do Sul. This stone was very rare and expensive worldwide, until the discovery of large deposits in Brazil, causing its value to drop considerably. There is also some jasper and opal in the state.[83][84][85][86][87] Fertilizer industry in Rio Grande Rice farming in Mariana Pimentel About industry, Rio Grande do Sul had an industrial GDP of R$82.1 billion in 2017, equivalent to 6.9% of the national industry. It employs 762,045 workers in the industry. The main industrial sectors are: Construction (18.2%), Food (15.4%), Industrial Public Utility Services, such as Electricity and Water (9.8%), Chemicals (6.8%), and Machinery and Equipment (6.6%). These 5 sectors concentrate 56.8% of the state's industry.[88] In the automotive sector, the state has a GM plant.[89] The leather-footwear sector (Footwear industry) stands out particularly in Novo Hamburgo, Sapiranga and Campo Bom, and in virtually all other municipalities in Vale dos Sinos. in 2019 Brazil produced 972 million pairs. Exports were around 10%, reaching almost 125 million pairs. Brazil is in the 4th position among the world producers, behind China (who produces more than 10 billion pairs), India and Vietnam, and in 11th place among the biggest exporters. The largest pole of production in Brazil is located here. The Brazilian state that most exports the product is Rio Grande do Sul: in 2019 it exported US$448.35 million. The majority of the product goes to United States, Argentina and France. Domestic consumption absorbs a large part of production. The state has or created some of the most important factories in Brazil in the sector.[90][91] In Food industry, In 2019, Brazil was the 2nd largest exporter of processed foods in the world, with a value of U $34.1 billion in exports. The Brazilian food and beverage industry's revenue in 2019 was R $699.9 billion, 9.7% of the country's Gross Domestic Product. In 2015, the industrial food and beverage sector in Brazil comprised 34,800 companies (not counting bakeries), the vast majority of which were small. These companies employed more than 1,600,000 workers, making the food and beverage industry the largest employer in the manufacturing industry. There are around 570 large companies in Brazil, which concentrate a good part of the total industry revenue. Rio Grande do Sul created food companies of national importance such as the Neugebauer chocolate factory; Vinícola Aurora and Vinícola Salton, two of the largest wineries in the country. and Camil Alimentos, which owns the brand Açúcar União (the most famous sugar brand in the country), Arroz Carretero (one of the most famous rice brands in Brazil), among others.[92][93][94] The mechanical and metallurgical industry also reach considerable expression, especially in Porto Alegre, Novo Hamburgo, São Leopoldo and Canoas, in addition to Gravataí, Sapucaia do Sul, Esteio and Sapiranga, which have large companies in the sector and which also belong to the Metropolitan Region of Porto Alegre . These centers are joined by São Jerônimo, which houses the Charqueadas steel plant. The steel mill Aços Finos Piratini is located in Charqueadas, which belongs to Gerdau. It is geared mainly to serve the automotive industry. In the metallurgical business, the state has one of the most famous companies in the country, Tramontina, originally from Rio Grande do Sul and famous manufacturer of knives, pans, shovels and various utensils, which has more than 8,500 employees and 10 manufacturing units. Other famous companies in the state are Marcopolo, a manufacturer of bus bodies, which had a market value of R $2.782 billion in 2015, and Randon, a group of 9 companies specialized in solutions for the transportation, which brings together manufacturers of vehicles, auto parts, and road equipment – employs around 11,000 people and recorded gross sales in 2017 of R $4.2 billion. Another industrial area is the so-called old colonization region, in which the municipalities of Caxias do Sul, Garibaldi, Bento Gonçalves, Flores da Cunha, Farroupilha and Santa Cruz do Sul are integrated. The manufacturing activity is marked by the production of wine and processing of agropastoral products, such as leather, lard, maize, wheat and tobacco. In the rest of the state there are several dispersed industrial centers, all linked to the processing of agropastoral raw materials. In this group, Erechim, Passo Fundo, Santa Maria, Santana do Livramento, Rosário do Sul, Pelotas, Rio Grande and Bagé stand out. Infrastructure Highways Main article: List of state highways in Rio Grande do Sul BR-386 in Lajeado. BR-116 Highway in Ivoti. The state has 153,960 km of highways, under national, state or municipal jurisdiction. The main highways are: BR-101, BR-116, BR-153, BR-158, BR-163, BR-285, BR-287, BR-290, BR-293, BR-386, BR-392 and BR-471. After decades of meager investments by successive State Governments, Rio Grande do Sul currently has a deficient road network and one of the worst in the southern half of the country: in 2020, there were still 54 cities without asphalt access (São Paulo, Rio de Janeiro , Santa Catarina and Mato Grosso do Sul had 100% of cities with asphalt access at the same time, Paraná and Minas Gerais had almost 100%).[95][96][97][98] The State also has few duplicated highways, roughly in the vicinity of the capital Porto Alegre, most of which belong to the Federal Government; despite the large number of state highways, the State Government did little in this field.[99] The situation only began to change in 2019, when the State carried out an economic and financial reorganization plan, and launched a specific program aimed at recovering and evolving the state's road network. This year, 62 municipalities still did not have access to asphalt: the project was to arrive in 2023 with 22 cities without access. Highway concessions held by Rio Grande do Sul, such as BR-287 and BR-386, carried out at the same time, aim to double the granted portions of these highways by 2035.[100][101][102] Currently, 211 km of the BR-116 between Guaíba and Pelotas are being duplicated, and in 2022 there were already 148 km duplicated.[103] Ports Port of Rio Grande. The Port of Rio Grande is of great importance for Mercosur, and also the main point of multimodality in the state, causing part of the road and rail system to focus on the Port of Rio Grande. The main ports are: Port of Rio Grande, Port of Porto Alegre, Port of Pelotas and Port of Estrela. The port terminals of Rio Grande, Porto Alegre and Pelotas handled, in 2021, 47.6 million tons of cargo, 45.18 million in the Port of Rio Grande alone.[104][105] International airports Porto Alegre Salgado Filho International Airport. With 37.6 thousand square meters of constructed area and four levels, the passenger terminal at Salgado Filho International Airport can receive 28 large airplanes simultaneously. The terminal has 32 check-in counters, ten boarding bridges, nine elevators and ten escalators. It has a totally automated aircraft movement control center and the main spaces are air conditioned. The apron, surfaced with prestressed concrete, can serve jumbo jets like the Boeing 747-400. The garage structure has eight levels, 44 thousand square meters and 1,440 parking spaces. Another terminal, with 15 thousand square meters and capacity for 1.5 million passengers a year, serves general, executive and third-tier aviation (conventional piston-engine and turboprop planes). Porto Alegre Airport was the first one administered by Infraero to have integrated check-in. This service offers flexibility in use of terminal facilities and installations, enabling carriers to access their own data centers via shared-use computers from any check-in counter position. This makes it much easier to allocate counter space according to demand fluctuations, making for less idle space. The Aeroshopping area – a center for commerce and leisure – operates 24 hours a day with shops, services, a food court, along with a triplex cinema, the first to be established at a Brazilian airport. Salgado Filho International Airport also has an air cargo terminal, built in 1974, with 9,500 thousand square meters of area and capacity to handle 1,500 tons of export cargo and 900 tons of imports each month. The average daily movement (arrivals and departures) is 174 aircraft, flying scheduled routes connecting Porto Alegre directly or indirectly to all the country's other major cities, as well as smaller cities in the interior of the states of the South Region and São Paulo. There are also international flights with direct connections to cities of the Southern Cone. Pelotas The Pelotas International Airport is commonly used by the Brazilian Air Force as the last stop in Brazil on its flights to the Brazilian Antarctic Base. Bagé Comandante Gustavo Kraemer Airport opened on July 5, 1946. This airport came under Infraero administration on October 27, 1980. It is located on the rural outskirts of Bagé, 60 km (37 mi) from the Uruguayan border and 380 km (236 mi) from Porto Alegre. Comandante Gustavo Kraemer Airport does not operate with scheduled commercial flights. There are two daily flights carrying bank pouches, as well as air taxi services and executive jets. Most of the airport's users are businesspeople from the central part of Brazil who have interests in the region in breeding thoroughbred English and Arabian horses, cattle ranching, fruit growing, wine making, wood pulp and power generation. Uruguaiana Located on the border with Argentina (across the Uruguay River from the Argentine city of Paso de los Libres), Uruguaiana is considered the major inland port in Latin America, thanks to its strategic position with the countries of Mercosur. Rubem Berta International Airport, however, has only one flight, on Azul Brazilian Airlines, to Porto Alegre, – a situation Infraero intends to change, as was confirmed in an official visit to the airport in December 2004. With more than 700 thousand square meters of constructed area, it is the largest airport in the interior of the state of Rio Grande do Sul. Great Porto Alegre Metro System in São Leopoldo There are two highways, BR-290 and BR-472, running near the airport, besides a railroad line about 2,500 meters from the terminal. Located 9 km (6 mi) from the city center, this airport is at an elevation of 78 meters and the average annual temperature is 20C, with a good deal of variation from summer to winter. Located 630 km (391 mi) from the state capital (Porto Alegre), Uruguaiana was founded on May 29, 1746, and has a current population of 126,936. Farming and ranching are the main economic activities of the region, which has 1,509 rural properties. National airports Caxias do Sul Hugo Cantergiani Airport (CXJ/SBCX) serves a vast region of important economical and touristic counties in the vicinities of Caxias do Sul, totalling 34 municipalities in this area of the "Serra Gaúcha". It is located at an altitude of 754 m (2 474 ft) as has one concrete runway (15/33) with the length of 2 000 m (6 562 ft) although only 1.650 m are usable if landing on runway 15. It is served on a daily basis by GOL and Azul airlines linking Caxias do Sul to São Paulo. It is equipped with a VASIS visual approach aid and is also certified for IFR approaches. References to these informations are published in the Portuguese version of this site. Energy Osório wind farm, the largest wind power park in Latin America. In 2021, Rio Grande do Sul had around 7.2 GW of installed electrical power, a relatively low number compared to the country's total, which was around 170 GW at the time. Of the total, 80.6% came from renewable sources - 49% corresponded to hydroelectric plants, 19.5% to wind energy and 8.2% to photovoltaic solar energy. The state has high potential for wind power installation due to the average wind speed being one of the highest in the country. There are currently several projects for new wind farms in progress, in addition to investments in the state's power transmission lines, which were limited. Most projects for offshore wind energy in Brazil, in 2021, were in Rio Grande do Sul, with installation scheduled for 2030.[106][107][108][109] In March 2022, Rio Grande do Sul was the 3rd Brazilian state with the most solar energy installed in the individual distributed micro generation modality.[110] The production of crude mineral coal in Brazil was 13.6 million tons in 2007. Santa Catarina produced 8.7 Mt (million tons); Rio Grande do Sul, 4.5 Mt; and Paraná, 0.4 Mt. Brazil has reserves of peat, lignite and hard coal. Coal totals 32 billion tons of reserves and is mainly in Rio Grande do Sul (89.25% of the total). The Candiota Deposit (in Rio Grande do Sul) alone has 38% of all national coal. As it's a coal of inferior quality, it's used only in the generation of thermoelectric energy and at the site of the deposit. The oil crisis in the 1970s led the Brazilian government to create the Energy Mobilization Plan, with intense research to discover new coal reserves. The Geological Survey of Brazil, through works carried out in Rio Grande do Sul and Santa Catarina, greatly increased the reserves of coal previously known, between 1970 and 1986 (mainly between 1978 and 1983). Good quality coal, suitable for use in metallurgy and in large volume (seven billion tons), was then discovered in several deposits in Rio Grande do Sul (Morungava, Chico Lomã, Santa Teresinha), but at relatively great depths (up to 1,200 m), which has hindered its use until now. In 2011, coal accounted for only 5.6% of the energy consumed in Brazil, but it is an important strategic source, which can be activated when, for example, the water levels in the dams are very low, reducing excessively the supply of hydroelectric power.[111][112] Culture Main category: Culture in Rio Grande do Sul Typical dance in a CTG (Center of Traditions) Chimarrão is a traditional drink made by soaking dried leaves of the holly species Ilex paraguariensis in hot water Grape Festival in Caxias do Sul A typical meal in Rio Grande do Sul with wine, bread, cheese, pasta with beef and salami. The state of Rio Grande do Sul is renowned as one of the most culturally rich states of Brazil. Rio Grande's music is a blend of many styles (most a continuum of rhythms found in neighboring countries), including the Chamamé, Milonga, Polca and Chacarera. Modern gaucho music or tchê music has been popular since the late 1980s. The inhabitants of the state are known in the country for drinking chimarrão, a local version of the mate drunk in neighbouring Uruguay and Argentina, and for consuming churrasco very regularly (a practice common due to the abundant sources of high quality meat), even going so far as considering this one of the most important elements of everyday life. Porto Alegre is home to Sport Club Internacional and Grêmio Foot-Ball Porto Alegrense. They are arch-rivals, one of the biggest rivalries in Brazil. Each region of the state has its own cultural background. In the pampas (Southwest), the culture is still largely influenced by the old Gaúchos. Gaúcho is a term that can describe anyone born in the state of Rio Grande do Sul. However, it is also used to describe the 19th century rural workers of the region. Other parts of the state have a slightly different culture, influenced mainly by German or Italian immigrants. After some generations, the descendants of immigrants were integrated in the local society, even though their cultural influences are still strong, mostly in the countryside. Despite these differences, the Gaucho people maintain a particular zeal for their culture and its variations. Although the Gaucho culture and its Portuguese-based language prevails in Rio Grande do Sul, the southernmost state of Brazil, sharing many of its folklore characteristics with neighboring horseback livestock raising, grassland centered cultures, such as found in Uruguay and in Argentina, the state also has other strong albeit less prominent cultural focus areas. These are, notably the German-Brazilian cultural identity and the Riograndenser Hunsrückisch language (the estimated number of speakers are around 1,500,000), spoken in the state since 1824; it received official recognition by the state House of Representatives in 2012 by unanimous vote. Also, as the result of European immigration stated in the 19th century, the state has an Italian culture and language of its own, the Talian language (a Veneto-based language/dialect), spoken mostly in the highlands region, at the so-called Old Italian Colonies in the upper state (see Italian-Brazilian). However, there are many other much smaller cultural minorities in the state (for example, the Afro-Brazilian community, the Guarani and Kaingang[113] indigenous peoples, also Pomeranian, Polish, German-Jewish, etc.), However, these three are the predominant cultural expressions found in the state, each with living linguistic expressions which attest to their existence. Tourism and recreation Guarita Beach in Torres. Lago Negro (dark lake) in Gramado. Enotourism in Bento Gonçalves. High-end tourism is very popular in the Germanesque cities of Gramado and Canela; their cold weather is among their attractions for internal tourism. Tourism is also high in the wine regions of the state, principally Caxias do Sul and Bento Gonçalves. The pampas of the native Brazilian Gaúcho are both a national and international curiosity to tourists and their customs are alive in the capital city of Porto Alegre as well as in the cities of the "interior" or western Rio Grande do Sul such as Santa Maria and Passo Fundo. The state is also home to the historic São Miguel das Missões, the ruins of an 18th-century Jesuit Mission. The state of Rio Grande do Sul and its cities have developed a series scenic routes to appeal to tourists. The Rota Romântica is a popular scenic drive that exhibits the diverse Germanic culture of the mountainous regions of the state referred to as the Serra Gaúcha. One can visit the state's Italian settlements through Caminhos da Colônia, tour the wine country through the Wine and Grapes Route and visit a subsection of the Rota Romântica called the Região das Hortênsias, the region filled with blue hydrangea flowers each spring. In the far western area of the state are the remnants of Brazil's 17th century Jesuit missions or reductions (aldeias) to the Guaraní Indians. Of all the ruins left behind by the vanished Guarani Missions, the most significant one is São Miguel or São Miguel Arcanjo, located nearby the present city of Santo Ângelo. There is an ongoing Light and Sound (or Som e Luz in Portuguese) show presented at the ruins of the São Miguel church. Language As in all Brazil, Portuguese is the main spoken language. A few expressions of Spanish origin are common (such as "gracias" instead of "obrigado", or the vocative "tchê") etc., due to the proximity with Argentina and Uruguay and their common Gaucho past. Also a few words of German origin, particularly referring to cuisine, have entered the vocabulary, such as "chimia" (from "schmier") and "cuca" (from "Kuchen"). Words of Guarani language origin also make up the vocabulary, an example being the largely used word "guri", meaning "boy". The Gaúchos are also famous by their use of the pronoun "tu", instead of "você", the latter being the formal second person singular noun and the first being the informal noun equivalent. In the traditional Gaúcho dialect of the Pampas, the verb is conjugated correctly in the second person singular, just like the European Portuguese (tu cantas, tu bates, tu partes, tu pões). In the colloquial Portuguese of Porto Alegre, however, the verb is conjugated in the second person as in the third person (tu canta, tu bate, tu parte, tu põe).[114] Gaúcho Portuguese phonology Phonemes of Porto-alegrense Portuguese Labial Alveolar Postalveolar/ Palatal Labiovelar Velar/ Uvular/ Glottal Nasal m n ȷ̃ (w̃) (ŋ)  (ɰ̃) Stop p  b t  d kʷ  ɡʷ k  ɡ Fricative f  v s  z ʃ  ʒ χ~ʁ~h~ɦ Affricate tʃ  dʒ Lateral l lʲ Approximant/ Flap ɾ j w Although this process is very common in the Southeast, in Gaúcho Portuguese the letters "s" and "z" are never pronounced as palato-alveolar consonants in coda position (e.g., pasto "pasture" is [ˈpaʃtu] in Rio de Janeiro, but [ˈpastu] in Porto Alegre). In Rio Grande do Sul, as in most of Brazil, the letters "t" and "d" are pronounced as palato-alveolar affricate consonants, when immediately succeeded by the vowel "i" (a process very similar to Russian palatalization and which, however, does not happen in the varieties of the Pampas). Moreover, the unstressed "e" and "o" are often "reduced" into /ɪ/ and /ʊ/, respectively. Therefore, in Porto Alegre, the unstressed "te" syllables are pronounced /tʃi/, for example, while in the Pampas they are usually pronounced /tɪ/: Porto Alegre: antigamente – /ɐ̃(n)ˌtʃiɡaˈmeȷ̃tʃʲ/ or /ɐ̃(n)ˌtʃiɡaˈmentʃʲ/ Gaúcho Pampas: antigamente – /ɐ̃ˌtʃiɡaˈme̞nte̞/ (compare Spanish: antiguamente – /ãn̪t̪iɣ̞waˈmẽ̞n̪t̪e̞/) The dialect of the Pampas had suffered a stronger influence of Spanish language, while the dialect of Porto Alegre suffers modern influences of the Southeastern varieties. Also, the vowel nasalization in Porto-alegrense Portuguese is far different from that seen in French, for example. In French, the nasalization extends uniformly through the entire vowel. In Porto Alegre, the nasalization begins almost imperceptibly, and then gets far stronger in the end of the vowel, therefore being closer to the nasalization of Hindi-Urdu phonology (see Anusvara). In some cases, the nasal archiphoneme actually represents the addition of a nasal consonant, like /m, n, ŋ, ȷ̃, w̃ , ɰ̃/. manta = /ˈmɐ̃ntɐ/ tampa = /ˈtɐ̃mpɐ/ banco = /ˈbɐ̃ŋku/ bem = /bẽȷ̃/ bom = /bõʊ̯̃/ or /ˈbõɰ̃/ or /ˈbõŋ/ pan = /ˈpɐ̃ɰ̃/ or /ˈpɐ̃ŋ/ It is also noteworthy that, in everyday speech, many unstressed vowels are not fully pronounced as they are supposed to be. For example: toque = /ˈtɔkʲ/ mente = /ˈmẽȷ̃tʃ/ pouco = /ˈpokʊ̥/ Essentially, the vowels [e] and [i] are both reduced and devoiced (or completely deleted) in word-final position, and sometimes also when unstressed and between consonants, always palatalizing the previous consonant. The vowels [o] and [u] are also reduced and devoiced to [ʊ̥], analogously to what happens in Japanese (see Japanese phonology#Devoicing). More rarely, [a] may become [ɐ̥] as well. Example Municipalities that the Talian is co-official in Rio Grande do Sul, highlighted in red: Bento Gonçalves,[115] Caxias do Sul,[116] Flores da Cunha,[117] Nova Roma do Sul[118][119] and Serafina Corrêa.[120] "Dom Sebastião I era o décimo-sexto Rei de Portugal, e sétimo da Dinastia de Avis. Era neto do rei João III, tornou-se herdeiro do trono depois da morte do seu pai, o príncipe João de Portugal, duas semanas antes do seu nascimento, e rei com apenas três anos, em 1557. Em virtude de ser um herdeiro tão esperado para dar continuidade à Dinastia de Avis, ficou conhecido como O Desejado; alternativamente, é também memorado como O Encoberto ou O Adormecido, devido à lenda que se refere ao seu regresso numa manhã de nevoeiro, para salvar a Nação." [ˈdõʊ̯̃ sebasʃiˈɐ̃ʊ̯̃ pɾiˈmeɪ̯ɾʊ ˈɛɾɐʊ̯ ˈdɛsimʊ ˈsestʊ ˈhej dʒi poɾtuˈɡaw | i ˈsɛtʃimʊ da dʒinasˈʃia dʒi ˈavis ‖ ɛɾɐ ˈnɛtʊ dʊ ˈheɪ̯ ʒʊˈɐ̃ʊ̯̃ teɾˈseɪ̯ɾʊ ‖ toɾˈnoʊ̯ sjeɾˈdeɪ̯ɾʊ dʊ ˈtɾonʊ deˈpojz da ˈmɔɾtʃi dʊ sew ˈpaɪ̯ | ʊ ˈpɾinsipi ʒʊˈɐ̃ʊ̯̃ dʒi poɾtuˈɡaʊ̯ | ˈdu.as seˈmɐ̃nɐs ˈɐ̃tʃis dʊ sew nasiˈmentʊ | i ˈhej kũw̃ aˈpenɐs ˈtɾez ˈɐ̃nʊs | ẽȷ̃ ˈmiw kiˈȷ̃entʊz i siŋˈkwentɐɪ̯ ˈsɛtʃi ‖ ẽȷ̃ viɾˈtudʒi dʒi ˈseɾ ũw̃ eɾˈdeɪ̯ɾʊ tɐ̃ʊ̯̃ ɪspeˈɾadʊ paɾɐ ˈdaɾ kontʃinwiˈdadʒ a dʒinasˈʃia dʒi ˈavis | fiˈkoʊ̯ kõȷ̃eˈsidʊ ˈkomʊ | ʊ dezeˈʒadʊ ‖ aʊ̯ˈteɾnaˈtʃivaˈmẽȷ̃tʃ | ˈɛ tɐ̃mˈbẽȷ̃ memoˈɾadʊ ˈkomʊ | ʊ ẽȷ̃koˈbɛɾtʊ | ˈoʊ̯ | ʊ aˈdoɾmeˈsidʊ ‖ deˈvidwa ˈlenda ki si heˈfɛɾjaʊ̯ ˈseʊ̯ heˈɡɾɛsʊ ˈnũma mɐ̃ˈȷ̃ɐ̃ dʒi ˈnevʊˈejɾʊ ˈpaɾa saʊ̯ˈvaɾ a naˈsɐ̃ʊ̯̃ ‖] OBS: The pronunciation may be subject to free variation. Duration: 54 seconds.0:54 Native Portuguese speaker from Porto Alegre, Rio Grande do Sul reading the above paragraph. Minority languages Minority languages spoken in Rio Grande do Sul include Indigenous languages (Guarani, Kaingang, etc.), and European derived languages (Talian, Riograndenser Hunsrückisch, East Pomeranian dialect of Low German, Yiddish and Polish). Most of the German dialects speakers in southern Brazil spoke or eventually adopted Hunsrückisch so that it became the most commonly used German dialect in this part of the world and is still spoken by many people today (also referred to as Riograndenser Hunsrückisch to differentiate it from the Hunsrückisch spoken in Germany). In its 180 years of history Riograndenser Hunsrückisch has been influenced by Portuguese and by other German dialects, such as Pfälzisch. Talian is a Brazilian variety of the Venetian language, also often called Vêneto for that reason. All minority languages in southern Brazil have experienced a significant degree of decline in the last few decades. Sport Estádio Beira-Rio, one of the venues for the 2014 FIFA World Cup. Arena do Grêmio. Rio Grande do Sul currently has eight football teams belonging to the divisions of the Brazilian Football Championship: Internacional, Grêmio, Juventude, Caxias, Brasil de Pelotas, Aimoré, Novo Hamburgo São José and Ypiranga. Sport Club Rio Grande, from the municipality of Rio Grande, is the oldest in Brazil and currently plays in the Campeonato Gaúcho of the Second Division.[121][122] Rio Grande do Sul is also a national and world reference in futsal, with teams such as Inter/Ulbra in Porto Alegre, ACBF in Carlos Barbosa, Atlântico in Erechim, Ulbra in Canoas, Assoeva in Venâncio Aires and Enxuta in Caxias do Sul. The municipality of Carlos Barbosa is considered the futsal capital in Brazil.[123][124] In the state, the following Olympic medalists were born: Mayra Aguiar and Daniel Cargnin (judo);[125][126] Fernando Scheffer (swimming);[127] André Johannpeter (equestrian);[128] André Heller, Gustavo Endres, Murilo Endres, Renan Dal Zotto, Paulão, Fernanda Garay, Carol Albuquerque, Éder, Janelson, Jorge Édson, Lucão, Marcus Vinícius and Thiago Alves (volleyball).[129][130][131] Also from the state is Thomaz Koch, considered one of the greatest tennis players in the history of Brazil[132][133] and Henrique Mecking, considered the greatest Brazilian chess player of all time, who came to be the 3rd best in the world;[134][135] in addition to World Championships medalists such as Babi and Deonise in handball,[136] João Derly and Maria Portela in judo,[137] Daiane dos Santos in gymnastics[138] and Samuel de Bona in the aquatic marathon.[139] Notes Brazil (Portuguese: Brasil; Brazilian Portuguese: [bɾaˈziw] ⓘ), officially the Federative Republic of Brazil (Portuguese: República Federativa do Brasilⓘ),[9] is the largest country in South America and in Latin America. Brazil is the world's fifth-largest country by area and the seventh most populous. Its capital is Brasília, and its most populous city is São Paulo. The federation is composed of the union of the 26 states and the Federal District. It is the only country in the Americas to have Portuguese as an official language.[10][11] It is one of the most multicultural and ethnically diverse nations, due to over a century of mass immigration from around the world,[12] and the most populous Roman Catholic-majority country. Bounded by the Atlantic Ocean on the east, Brazil has a coastline of 7,491 kilometers (4,655 mi).[13] It borders all other countries and territories in South America except Ecuador and Chile and covers roughly half of the continent's land area.[14] Its Amazon basin includes a vast tropical forest, home to diverse wildlife, a variety of ecological systems, and extensive natural resources spanning numerous protected habitats.[13] This unique environmental heritage positions Brazil at number one of 17 megadiverse countries, and is the subject of significant global interest, as environmental degradation through processes like deforestation has direct impacts on global issues like climate change and biodiversity loss. The territory which would become known as Brazil was inhabited by numerous tribal nations prior to the landing in 1500 of explorer Pedro Álvares Cabral, who claimed the discovered land for the Portuguese Empire. Brazil remained a Portuguese colony until 1808 when the capital of the empire was transferred from Lisbon to Rio de Janeiro. In 1815, the colony was elevated to the rank of kingdom upon the formation of the United Kingdom of Portugal, Brazil and the Algarves. Independence was achieved in 1822 with the creation of the Empire of Brazil, a unitary state governed under a constitutional monarchy and a parliamentary system. The ratification of the first constitution in 1824 led to the formation of a bicameral legislature, now called the National Congress. Slavery was abolished in 1888. The country became a presidential republic in 1889 following a military coup d'état. An authoritarian military dictatorship emerged in 1964 and ruled until 1985, after which civilian governance resumed. Brazil's current constitution, formulated in 1988, defines it as a democratic federal republic.[15] Due to its rich culture and history, the country ranks thirteenth in the world by number of UNESCO World Heritage Sites.[16] Brazil is a regional and middle power[17][18][19] and is also classified as an emerging power and a major non-NATO ally.[20][21][22][23][24] Categorised as a developing country with a high Human Development Index,[25] Brazil is considered an advanced emerging economy,[26] having the ninth largest GDP in the world by nominal, and eighth by PPP measures, the largest in Latin America.[6][27] As an upper-middle income economy by the World Bank[28] and a newly industrialized country,[29] Brazil has the largest share of global wealth in South America and it is one of the world's major breadbaskets, being the largest producer of coffee for the last 150 years.[30] However, the country retains noticeable corruption, crime and social inequality. Brazil is a founding member of the United Nations, the G20, BRICS, G4, Mercosul, Organization of American States, Organization of Ibero-American States and the Community of Portuguese Language Countries. Brazil is also an Observer State of the Arab League.[31] Etymology Main article: Name of Brazil The word "Brazil" likely comes from the Portuguese word for brazilwood, a tree that once grew plentifully along the Brazilian coast.[32] In Portuguese, brazilwood is called pau-brasil, with the word brasil commonly given the etymology "red like an ember", formed from brasa ("ember") and the suffix -il (from -iculum or -ilium).[33] As brazilwood produces a deep red dye, it was highly valued by the European textile industry and was the earliest commercially exploited product from Brazil.[34] Throughout the 16th century, massive amounts of brazilwood were harvested by indigenous peoples (mostly Tupi) along the Brazilian coast, who sold the timber to European traders (mostly Portuguese, but also French) in return for assorted European consumer goods.[35] The official Portuguese name of the land, in original Portuguese records, was the "Land of the Holy Cross" (Terra da Santa Cruz),[36] but European sailors and merchants commonly called it the "Land of Brazil" (Terra do Brasil) because of the brazilwood trade.[37] The popular appellation eclipsed and eventually supplanted the official Portuguese name. Some early sailors called it the "Land of Parrots".[38] In the Guaraní language, an official language of Paraguay, Brazil is called "Pindorama", meaning "land of the palm trees".[39] History Main article: History of Brazil For a chronological guide, see Timeline of Brazilian history. Pre-Cabraline era Main article: Pre-Cabraline history of Brazil See also: Indigenous peoples in Brazil and Marajoara culture Rock art at Serra da Capivara National Park, one of the largest and oldest concentrations of prehistoric sites in the Americas[40] Some of the earliest human remains found in the Americas, Luzia Woman, were found in the area of Pedro Leopoldo, Minas Gerais and provide evidence of human habitation going back at least 11,000 years.[41][42] The earliest pottery ever found in the Western Hemisphere was excavated in the Amazon basin of Brazil and radiocarbon dated to 8,000 years ago (6000 BC). The pottery was found near Santarém and provides evidence that the region supported a complex prehistoric culture.[43] The Marajoara culture flourished on Marajó in the Amazon delta from AD 400 to 1400, developing sophisticated pottery, social stratification, large populations, mound building, and complex social formations such as chiefdoms.[44] Around the time of the Portuguese arrival, the territory of current day Brazil had an estimated indigenous population of 7 million people,[45] mostly semi-nomadic, who subsisted on hunting, fishing, gathering, and migrant agriculture. The population comprised several large indigenous ethnic groups (e.g., the Tupis, Guaranis, Gês, and Arawaks). The Tupi people were subdivided into the Tupiniquins and Tupinambás.[46] Before the arrival of the Europeans, the boundaries between these groups and their subgroups were marked by wars that arose from differences in culture, language and moral beliefs.[47] These wars also involved large-scale military actions on land and water, with cannibalistic rituals on prisoners of war.[48][49] While heredity had some weight, leadership was a status more won over time than assigned in succession ceremonies and conventions.[47] Slavery among the indigenous groups had a different meaning than it had for Europeans, since it originated from a diverse socioeconomic organization, in which asymmetries were translated into kinship relations.[50] Portuguese colonization Pedro Álvares Cabral landing in Porto Seguro in 1500, ushering in more than 300 years of Portuguese rule Tiradentes, who led the separatist movement Inconfidência Mineira, was sentenced to death in 1792. Execution of the Punishment of the Whip by Jean-Baptiste Debret. Nearly 5 million enslaved Africans were imported to Brazil during the Atlantic slave trade, more than any country.[51] Main articles: Colonial Brazil and Portuguese Empire See also: Slavery in Brazil, War of the Emboabas, and Minas Gerais Conspiracy Following the 1494 Treaty of Tordesillas, the land now called Brazil was claimed for the Portuguese Empire on 22 April 1500, with the arrival of the Portuguese fleet commanded by Pedro Álvares Cabral.[52] The Portuguese encountered indigenous peoples divided into several ethnic societies, most of whom spoke languages of the Tupi–Guarani family and fought among themselves.[53] Though the first settlement was founded in 1532, colonization effectively began in 1534, when King John III of Portugal divided the territory into the fifteen private and autonomous captaincies.[54][55] However, the decentralized and unorganized tendencies of the captaincies proved problematic, and in 1549 the Portuguese king restructured them into the Governorate General of Brazil in the city of Salvador, which became the capital of a single and centralized Portuguese colony in South America.[55][56] In the first two centuries of colonization, Indigenous and European groups lived in constant war, establishing opportunistic alliances in order to gain advantages against each other.[57][58][59][60] By the mid-16th century, cane sugar had become Brazil's most important export,[53][61] while slaves purchased in Sub-Saharan Africa in the slave market of Western Africa[62] (not only those from Portuguese allies of their colonies in Angola and Mozambique), had become its largest import,[63][64] to cope with sugarcane plantations, due to increasing international demand for Brazilian sugar.[65][66] Brazil received more than 2.8 million slaves from Africa between the years 1500 and 1800.[67] By the end of the 17th century, sugarcane exports began to decline[68] and the discovery of gold by bandeirantes in the 1690s would become the new backbone of the colony's economy, fostering a gold rush[69] which attracted thousands of new settlers to Brazil from Portugal and all Portuguese colonies around the world.[70] This increased level of immigration in turn caused some conflicts between newcomers and old settlers.[71] Portuguese expeditions known as bandeiras gradually expanded Brazil's original colonial frontiers in South America to its approximately current borders.[72][73] In this era other European powers tried to colonize parts of Brazil, in incursions that the Portuguese had to fight, notably the French in Rio during the 1560s, in Maranhão during the 1610s, and the Dutch in Bahia and Pernambuco, during the Dutch–Portuguese War, after the end of Iberian Union.[74] The Portuguese colonial administration in Brazil had two objectives that would ensure colonial order and the monopoly of Portugal's wealthiest and largest colony: to keep under control and eradicate all forms of slave rebellion and resistance, such as the Quilombo of Palmares,[75] and to repress all movements for autonomy or independence, such as the Minas Gerais Conspiracy.[76] Elevation to kingdom Main article: United Kingdom of Portugal, Brazil and the Algarves See also: Invasion of Portugal (1807) and Transfer of the Portuguese court to Brazil The Acclamation of King João VI of the United Kingdom of Portugal, Brazil and the Algarves in Rio de Janeiro, 6 February 1818 In late 1807, Spanish and Napoleonic forces threatened the security of continental Portugal, causing Prince Regent John, in the name of Queen Maria I, to move the royal court from Lisbon to Rio de Janeiro.[77] There they established some of Brazil's first financial institutions, such as its local stock exchanges[78] and its National Bank, additionally ending the Portuguese monopoly on Brazilian trade and opening Brazil's ports to other nations. In 1809, in retaliation for being forced into exile, the Prince Regent ordered the conquest of French Guiana.[79] With the end of the Peninsular War in 1814, the courts of Europe demanded that Queen Maria I and Prince Regent John return to Portugal, deeming it unfit for the head of an ancient European monarchy to reside in a colony. In 1815, to justify continuing to live in Brazil, where the royal court had thrived for six years, the Crown established the United Kingdom of Portugal, Brazil and the Algarves, thus creating a pluricontinental transatlantic monarchic state.[80] However, the leadership in Portugal, resentful of the new status of its larger colony, continued to demand the return of the court to Lisbon (see Liberal Revolution of 1820). In 1821, acceding to the demands of revolutionaries who had taken the city of Porto,[81] John VI departed for Lisbon. There he swore an oath to the new constitution, leaving his son, Prince Pedro de Alcântara, as Regent of the Kingdom of Brazil.[82] Independent empire Main articles: Independence of Brazil and Empire of Brazil Declaration of the Brazilian independence by Pedro I on 7 September 1822 Tensions between Portuguese and Brazilians increased and the Portuguese Cortes, guided by the new political regime imposed by the Liberal Revolution, tried to re-establish Brazil as a colony.[83] The Brazilians refused to yield, and Prince Pedro decided to stand with them, declaring the country's independence from Portugal on 7 September 1822.[84] A month later, Prince Pedro was declared the first Emperor of Brazil, with the royal title of Dom Pedro I, resulting in the founding of the Empire of Brazil.[85] The Brazilian War of Independence, which had already begun along this process, spread through the northern, northeastern regions and in the Cisplatina province.[86] The last Portuguese soldiers surrendered on 8 March 1824;[87] Portugal officially recognized Brazilian independence on 29 August 1825.[88] On 7 April 1831, worn down by years of administrative turmoil and political dissent with both liberal and conservative sides of politics, including an attempt of republican secession[89] and unreconciled to the way that absolutists in Portugal had given in the succession of King John VI, Pedro I departed for Portugal to reclaim his daughter's crown after abdicating the Brazilian throne in favor of his five-year-old son and heir (Dom Pedro II).[90] Pedro II, Emperor of Brazil between 1831 and 1889 As the new Emperor could not exert his constitutional powers until he came of age, a regency was set up by the National Assembly.[91] In the absence of a charismatic figure who could represent a moderate face of power, during this period a series of localized rebellions took place, such as the Cabanagem in Grão-Pará, the Malê Revolt in Salvador, the Balaiada (Maranhão), the Sabinada (Bahia), and the Ragamuffin War, which began in Rio Grande do Sul and was supported by Giuseppe Garibaldi. These emerged from the provinces' dissatisfaction with the central power, coupled with old and latent social tensions peculiar to a vast, slaveholding and newly independent nation state.[92] This period of internal political and social upheaval, which included the Praieira revolt in Pernambuco, was overcome only at the end of the 1840s, years after the end of the regency, which occurred with the premature coronation of Pedro II in 1841.[93] During the last phase of the monarchy, internal political debate centered on the issue of slavery. The Atlantic slave trade was abandoned in 1850,[94] as a result of the British Aberdeen Act and the Eusébio de Queirós Law, but only in May 1888, after a long process of internal mobilization and debate for an ethical and legal dismantling of slavery in the country, was the institution formally abolished with the approval of the Golden Law.[95] The foreign-affairs policies of the monarchy dealt with issues with the countries of the Southern Cone with whom Brazil had borders. Long after the Cisplatine War that resulted in the independence of Uruguay,[96] Brazil won three international wars during the 58-year reign of Pedro II: the Platine War, the Uruguayan War and the devastating Paraguayan War, the largest war effort in Brazilian history.[97][98] Although there was no desire among the majority of Brazilians to change the country's form of government,[99] on 15 November 1889, in disagreement with the majority of the Imperial Army officers, as well as with rural and financial elites (for different reasons), the monarchy was overthrown by a military coup.[100] A few days later, the national flag was replaced with a new design that included the national motto "Ordem e Progresso", influenced by positivism. 15 November is now Republic Day, a national holiday.[101] Early republic Main articles: First Brazilian Republic, Vargas Era, and Second Brazilian Republic Proclamation of the Republic, 1893, oil on canvas by Benedito Calixto Getúlio Vargas (center) during the Revolution of 1930 Brazilian Expeditionary Force in Massarosa, Italy, during the WWII The early republican government was a military dictatorship, with the army dominating affairs both in Rio de Janeiro and in the states. Freedom of the press disappeared and elections were controlled by those in power.[102] Not until 1894, following an economic crisis and a military one, did civilians take power, remaining there until October 1930.[103][104][105] If in relation to its foreign policy, the country in this first republican period maintained a relative balance characterized by a success in resolving border disputes with neighboring countries,[106] only broken by the Acre War (1899–1902) and its involvement in World War I (1914–1918),[107][108][109] followed by a failed attempt to exert a prominent role in the League of Nations;[110] Internally, from the crisis of Encilhamento[111][112][113] and the Navy Revolts,[114] a prolonged cycle of financial, political and social instability began until the 1920s, keeping the country besieged by various rebellions, both civilian[115][116][117] and military.[118][119][120] Little by little, a cycle of general instability sparked by these crises undermined the regime to such an extent that in the wake of the murder of his running mate, the defeated opposition presidential candidate Getúlio Vargas, supported by most of the military, successfully led the Revolution of 1930.[121][122] Vargas and the military were supposed to assume power temporarily, but instead closed down Congress, extinguished the Constitution, ruled with emergency powers and replaced the states' governors with his own supporters.[123][124] In the 1930s, three attempts to remove Vargas and his supporters from power failed. The first was the Constitutionalist Revolution in 1932, led by the São Paulo's oligarchy. The second was a Communist uprising in November 1935, and the last one a putsch attempt by local fascists in May 1938.[125][126][127] The 1935 uprising created a security crisis in which Congress transferred more power to the executive branch. The 1937 coup d'état resulted in the cancellation of the 1938 election and formalized Vargas as dictator, beginning the Estado Novo era. During this period, government brutality and censorship of the press increased.[128] During World War II, Brazil remained neutral until August 1942, when the country suffered retaliation by Nazi Germany and Fascist Italy in a strategic dispute over the South Atlantic, and, therefore, entered the war on the allied side.[129][130][131] In addition to its participation in the battle of the Atlantic, Brazil also sent an expeditionary force to fight in the Italian campaign.[132] With the Allied victory in 1945 and the end of the fascist regimes in Europe, Vargas's position became unsustainable, and he was swiftly overthrown in another military coup, with democracy "reinstated" by the same army that had ended it 15 years earlier.[133] Vargas committed suicide in August 1954 amid a political crisis, after having returned to power by election in 1950.[134][135] Contemporary era Main articles: Military dictatorship in Brazil and History of Brazil since 1985 Construction of the National Congress building in Brasília, 1959, during the JK administration Several brief interim governments followed Vargas's suicide.[136] Juscelino Kubitschek became president in 1956 and assumed a conciliatory posture towards the political opposition that allowed him to govern without major crises.[137] The economy and industrial sector grew remarkably,[138] but his greatest achievement was the construction of the new capital city of Brasília, inaugurated in 1960.[139] Kubitschek's successor, Jânio Quadros, resigned in 1961 less than a year after taking office.[140] His vice-president, João Goulart, assumed the presidency, but aroused strong political opposition[141] and was deposed in April 1964 by a coup that resulted in a military dictatorship.[142] M41s along the Avenida Presidente Vargas, Rio de Janeiro, in April 1968, during the military dictatorship The new regime was intended to be transitory[143] but gradually closed in on itself and became a full dictatorship with the promulgation of the Fifth Institutional Act in 1968.[144] Oppression was not limited to those who resorted to guerrilla tactics to fight the regime, but also reached institutional opponents, artists, journalists and other members of civil society,[145][146] inside and outside the country through the infamous "Operation Condor".[147][148] Like other brutal authoritarian regimes, due to an economic boom, known as the "economic miracle", the regime reached a peak in popularity in the early 1970s.[149] Slowly, however, the wear and tear of years of dictatorial power that had not slowed the repression, even after the defeat of the leftist guerrillas.[150] The inability to deal with the economic crises of the period and popular pressure made an opening policy inevitable, which from the regime side was led by Generals Ernesto Geisel and Golbery do Couto e Silva.[151] With the enactment of the Amnesty Law in 1979, Brazil began a slow return to democracy, which was completed during the 1980s.[93] Ulysses Guimarães holding the Constitution of 1988 Civilians returned to power in 1985 when José Sarney assumed the presidency. He became unpopular during his tenure through failure to control the economic crisis and hyperinflation he inherited from the military regime.[152] Sarney's unsuccessful government led to the election in 1989 of the almost-unknown Fernando Collor, who was subsequently impeached by the National Congress in 1992.[153] Collor was succeeded by his vice-president, Itamar Franco, who appointed Fernando Henrique Cardoso Minister of Finance. In 1994, Cardoso produced a highly successful Plano Real,[154] that, after decades of failed economic plans made by previous governments attempting to curb hyperinflation, finally stabilized the Brazilian economy.[155][156] Cardoso won the 1994 election, and again in 1998.[157] The peaceful transition of power from Cardoso to his main opposition leader, Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva (elected in 2002 and re-elected in 2006), was seen as proof that Brazil had achieved a long-sought political stability.[158][159] However, sparked by indignation and frustrations accumulated over decades from corruption, police brutality, inefficiencies of the political establishment and public service, numerous peaceful protests erupted in Brazil from the middle of first term of Dilma Rousseff, who had succeeded Lula after winning election in 2010 and again in 2014 by narrow margins.[160][161] Rousseff was impeached by the Brazilian Congress in 2016, halfway into her second term,[162][163] and replaced by her Vice-president Michel Temer, who assumed full presidential powers after Rousseff's impeachment was accepted on 31 August. Large street protests for and against her took place during the impeachment process.[164] The charges against her were fueled by political and economic crises along with evidence of involvement with politicians from all the primary political parties. In 2017, the Supreme Court requested the investigation of 71 Brazilian lawmakers and nine ministers of President Michel Temer's cabinet who were allegedly linked to the Petrobras corruption scandal.[165] President Temer himself was also accused of corruption.[166] According to a 2018 poll, 62% of the population said that corruption was Brazil's biggest problem.[167] In the fiercely disputed 2018 elections, the controversial conservative candidate Jair Bolsonaro of the Social Liberal Party (PSL) was elected president, winning in the second round Fernando Haddad, of the Workers Party (PT), with the support of 55.13% of the valid votes.[168] In the early 2020s, Brazil became one of the hardest hit countries during the COVID-19 pandemic, receiving the second-highest death toll worldwide after the United States.[169] In May 2021, Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva stated that he would run for a third term in the 2022 Brazilian general election against Bolsonaro.[170] On october 2022, Lula was in first place in first round, with 48.43% of the support from the electorate, and received 50.90% of the votes in the second round.[171][172] On 8 January 2023, a week after Lula's inauguration, a mob of Bolsonaro's supporters attacked Brazil's federal government buildings in the capital, Brasília, after several weeks of unrest.[173][174] Geography Main article: Geography of Brazil Serra dos Órgãos National Park, Teresópolis, Rio de Janeiro state The majority of Amazon rainforest is contained within Brazil Brazil occupies a large area along the eastern coast of South America and includes much of the continent's interior,[175] sharing land borders with Uruguay to the south; Argentina and Paraguay to the southwest; Bolivia and Peru to the west; Colombia to the northwest; and Venezuela, Guyana, Suriname and France (French overseas region of French Guiana) to the north. It shares a border with every South American country except Ecuador and Chile.[13] The brazilian territory also encompasses a number of oceanic archipelagos, such as Fernando de Noronha, Rocas Atoll, Saint Peter and Paul Rocks, and Trindade and Martim Vaz.[13] Its size, relief, climate, and natural resources make Brazil geographically diverse.[175] Including its Atlantic islands, Brazil lies between latitudes 6°N and 34°S, and longitudes 28° and 74°W.[13] Brazil is the fifth largest country in the world, and third largest in the Americas, with a total area of 8,515,767.049 km2 (3,287,956 sq mi),[176] including 55,455 km2 (21,411 sq mi) of water. North to South, Brazil is also the longest country in the world, spanning 4,395 km (2,731 mi) from north to south,[13] and the only country in the world that has the equator and the Tropic of Capricorn running through it.[13] It spans four time zones; from UTC−5 comprising the state of Acre and the westernmost portion of Amazonas, to UTC−4 in the western states, to UTC−3 in the eastern states (the national time) and UTC−2 in the Atlantic islands.[177] Climate Main article: Climate of Brazil Brazil map of Köppen climate classification zones The climate of Brazil comprises a wide range of weather conditions across a large area and varied topography, but most of the country is tropical.[13] According to the Köppen system, Brazil hosts six major climatic subtypes: desert, equatorial, tropical, semiarid, oceanic and subtropical. The different climatic conditions produce environments ranging from equatorial rainforests in the north and semiarid deserts in the northeast, to temperate coniferous forests in the south and tropical savannas in central Brazil.[178] Many regions have starkly different microclimates.[179][180] An equatorial climate characterizes much of northern Brazil. There is no real dry season, but there are some variations in the period of the year when most rain falls.[178] Temperatures average 25 °C (77 °F),[180] with more significant temperature variation between night and day than between seasons.[179] Over central Brazil rainfall is more seasonal, characteristic of a savanna climate.[179] This region is as extensive as the Amazon basin but has a very different climate as it lies farther south at a higher altitude.[178] In the interior northeast, seasonal rainfall is even more extreme.[181] South of Bahia, near the coasts, and more southerly most of the state of São Paulo, the distribution of rainfall changes, with rain falling throughout the year.[178] The south enjoys subtropical conditions, with cool winters and average annual temperatures not exceeding 18 °C (64.4 °F);[180] winter frosts and snowfall are not rare in the highest areas.[178][179] The semiarid climatic region generally receives less than 800 millimeters (31.5 in) of rain,[181] most of which generally falls in a period of three to five months of the year[182] and occasionally less than this, creating long periods of drought.[179] Brazil's 1877–78 Grande Seca (Great Drought), the worst in Brazil's history,[183] caused approximately half a million deaths.[184] A similarly devastating drought occurred in 1915.[185] In 2020 the government of Brazil pledged to reduce its annual greenhouse gases emissions by 43% by 2030. It also set as indicative target of reaching carbon neutrality by 2060 if the country gets 10 billion dollars per year.[186] Topography and hydrography See also: List of rivers of Brazil Topographic map of Brazil Brazilian topography is also diverse and includes hills, mountains, plains, highlands, and scrublands. Much of the terrain lies between 200 meters (660 ft) and 800 meters (2,600 ft) in elevation.[187] The main upland area occupies most of the southern half of the country.[187] The northwestern parts of the plateau consist of broad, rolling terrain broken by low, rounded hills.[187] The southeastern section is more rugged, with a complex mass of ridges and mountain ranges reaching elevations of up to 1,200 meters (3,900 ft).[187] These ranges include the Mantiqueira and Espinhaço mountains and the Serra do Mar.[187] In the north, the Guiana Highlands form a major drainage divide, separating rivers that flow south into the Amazon Basin from rivers that empty into the Orinoco River system, in Venezuela, to the north. The highest point in Brazil is the Pico da Neblina at 2,994 meters (9,823 ft), and the lowest is the Atlantic Ocean.[13] Brazil has a dense and complex system of rivers, one of the world's most extensive, with eight major drainage basins, all of which drain into the Atlantic.[188] Major rivers include the Amazon (the world's second-longest river and the largest in terms of volume of water), the Paraná and its major tributary the Iguaçu (which includes the Iguazu Falls), the Negro, São Francisco, Xingu, Madeira and Tapajós rivers.[188] Biodiversity and conservation Main articles: Environment of Brazil, Wildlife of Brazil, and Conservation in Brazil Further information: Environmental issues in Brazil and Protected areas of Brazil The toco toucan is an animal typical of the Brazilian savannas. The wildlife of Brazil comprises all naturally occurring animals, plants, and fungi in the South American country. Home to 60% of the Amazon rainforest, which accounts for approximately one-tenth of all species in the world,[189] Brazil is considered to have the greatest biodiversity of any country on the planet, containing over 70% of all animal and plant species catalogued.[190] Brazil has the most known species of plants (55,000), freshwater fish (3,000), and mammals (over 689).[191] It also ranks third on the list of countries with the most bird species (1,832) and second with the most reptile species (744).[191] The number of fungal species is unknown but is large.[192] Brazil is second only to Indonesia as the country with the most endemic species.[193] Brazil's large territory comprises different ecosystems, such as the Amazon rainforest, recognized as having the greatest biological diversity in the world,[194] with the Atlantic Forest and the Cerrado, sustaining the greatest biodiversity.[195] In the south, the Araucaria moist forests grow under temperate conditions.[195] The rich wildlife of Brazil reflects the variety of natural habitats. Scientists estimate that the total number of plant and animal species in Brazil could approach four million, mostly invertebrates.[195] Larger mammals include carnivores pumas, jaguars, ocelots, rare bush dogs, and foxes, and herbivores peccaries, tapirs, anteaters, sloths, opossums, and armadillos. Deer are plentiful in the south, and many species of New World monkeys are found in the northern rain forests.[195][196] Cumulatively, Brazil has the highest percentage of deforested and degraded rainforest of any Amazonia nation.[197] More than one-fifth of the Amazon rainforest in Brazil has been completely destroyed, and more than 70 mammals are endangered.[191] The threat of extinction comes from several sources, including deforestation and poaching. Extinction is even more problematic in the Atlantic Forest, where nearly 93% of the forest has been cleared.[198] Of the 202 endangered animals in Brazil, 171 are in the Atlantic Forest.[199] The Amazon rainforest has been under direct threat of deforestation since the 1970s because of rapid economic and demographic expansion. Extensive legal and illegal logging destroy forests the size of a small country per year, and with it a diverse series of species through habitat destruction and habitat fragmentation.[200] Since 1970, over 600,000 square kilometers (230,000 sq mi) of the Amazon rainforest have been cleared by logging.[201] In 2017, preserved native vegetation occupies 61% of the Brazilian territory. Agriculture occupied only 8% of the national territory and pastures 19.7%.[202] In terms of comparison, in 2019, although 43% of the entire European continent has forests, only 3% of the total forest area in Europe is of native forest.[203] Brazil has a strong interest in conservation as its agriculture sector directly depends on its forests.[204] Government and politics Main articles: Politics of Brazil, Federal government of Brazil, and Elections in Brazil National Congress, seat of the legislative branch Palácio do Planalto, the official workplace of the President of Brazil The form of government is a democratic federative republic, with a presidential system.[15] The president is both head of state and head of government of the Union and is elected for a four-year term,[15] with the possibility of re-election for a second successive term. The current president is Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva.[205] The President appoints the Ministers of State, who assist in government.[15] Legislative houses in each political entity are the main source of law in Brazil. The National Congress is the Federation's bicameral legislature, consisting of the Chamber of Deputies and the Federal Senate. Judiciary authorities exercise jurisdictional duties almost exclusively. In 2021, the Economist Intelligence Unit's Democracy Index categorized Brazil as a "flawed democracy", ranking 46th in the report,[206] and Freedom House classified it as a free country at Freedom in the World report.[207] The political-administrative organization of the Federative Republic of Brazil comprises the Union, the states, the Federal District, and the municipalities.[15] The Union, the states, the Federal District, and the municipalities, are the "spheres of government". The federation is set on five fundamental principles: sovereignty, citizenship, dignity of human beings, the social values of labor and freedom of enterprise, and political pluralism.[15] The classic tripartite branches of government (executive, legislative and judicial under a checks and balances system) are formally established by the Constitution.[15] The executive and legislative are organized independently in all three spheres of government, while the judiciary is organized only at the federal and state and Federal District spheres. All members of the executive and legislative branches are directly elected.[208][209][210] For most of its democratic history, Brazil has had a multi-party system, with proportional representation. Voting is compulsory for the literate between 18 and 70 years old and optional for illiterates and those between 16 and 18 or beyond 70.[15] The country has more than 40 active political parties. Fifteen political parties are represented in Congress. It is common for politicians to switch parties, and thus the proportion of congressional seats held by particular parties changes regularly.[211] Law Main article: Law of Brazil Supreme Federal Court of Brazil serves primarily as the Constitutional Court of the country. Brazilian law is based on the civil law legal system[212] and civil law concepts prevail over common law practice. Most of Brazilian law is codified, although non-codified statutes also represent a substantial part, playing a complementary role. Court decisions set out interpretive guidelines; however, they are seldom binding on other specific cases. Doctrinal works and the works of academic jurists have strong influence in law creation and in law cases. Judges and other judicial officials are appointed after passing entry exams.[208] The legal system is based on the Federal Constitution, promulgated on 5 October 1988, and the fundamental law of Brazil. All other legislation and court decisions must conform to its rules.[213] As of July 2022, there have been 124 amendments.[214] The highest court is the Supreme Federal Court. States have their own constitutions, which must not contradict the Federal Constitution.[215] Municipalities and the Federal District have "organic laws" (leis orgânicas), which act in a similar way to constitutions.[216] Legislative entities are the main source of statutes, although in certain matters judiciary and executive bodies may enact legal norms.[15] Jurisdiction is administered by the judiciary entities, although in rare situations the Federal Constitution allows the Federal Senate to pass on legal judgments.[15] There are also specialized military, labor, and electoral courts.[15] Military Main article: Brazilian Armed Forces Brazilian Air Force Saab Gripen NG Brazilian Navy's flagship PHM Atlântico and frigate Liberal (F-43) (background) The armed forces of Brazil are the largest in Latin America by active personnel and the largest in terms of military equipment.[217] The country was considered the 9th largest military power on the planet in 2021.[218][219] It consists of the Brazilian Army (including the Army Aviation Command), the Brazilian Navy (including the Marine Corps and Naval Aviation), and the Brazilian Air Force. Brazil's conscription policy gives it one of the world's largest military forces, estimated at more than 1.6 million reservists annually.[220] Numbering close to 236,000 active personnel,[221] the Brazilian Army has the largest number of armored vehicles in South America, including armored transports and tanks.[222] The states' Military Police and the Military Firefighters Corps are described as an ancillary forces of the Army by the constitution, but are under the control of each state's governor.[15] Brazil's navy once operated some of the most powerful warships in the world with the two Minas Geraes-class dreadnoughts, sparking a naval arms race between Argentina, Brazil, and Chile.[223] Today, it is a green water force and has a group of specialized elite in retaking ships and naval facilities, GRUMEC, unit specially trained to protect Brazilian oil platforms along its coast.[224] As of 2022, it is the only navy in Latin America that operates an helicopter carrier, NAM Atlântico, and one of twelve navies in the world to operate or have one under construction.[225] The Air Force is the largest in Latin America and has about 700 crewed aircraft in service and effective about 67,000 personnel.[226] Foreign policy Main article: Foreign relations of Brazil Itamaraty Palace, the seat of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs Brazil's international relations are based on Article 4 of the Federal Constitution, which establishes non-intervention, self-determination, international cooperation and the peaceful settlement of conflicts as the guiding principles of Brazil's relationship with other countries and multilateral organizations.[227] According to the Constitution, the President has ultimate authority over foreign policy, while the Congress is tasked with reviewing and considering all diplomatic nominations and international treaties, as well as legislation relating to Brazilian foreign policy.[228] Brazil's foreign policy is a by-product of the country's position as a regional power in Latin America, a leader among developing countries, and an emerging world power.[229] Brazilian foreign policy has generally been based on the principles of multilateralism, peaceful dispute settlement, and non-intervention in the affairs of other countries.[230] Brazil is a founding member state of the Community of Portuguese Language Countries (CPLP), also known as the Lusophone Commonwealth, an international organization and political association of Lusophone nations. An increasingly well-developed tool of Brazil's foreign policy is providing aid as a donor to other developing countries.[231] Brazil does not just use its growing economic strength to provide financial aid, but it also provides high levels of expertise and most importantly of all, a quiet non-confrontational diplomacy to improve governance levels.[231] Total aid is estimated to be around $1 billion per year, which includes.[231] In addition, Brazil already managed a peacekeeping mission in Haiti ($350 million) and makes in-kind contributions to the World Food Programme ($300 million).[231] This is in addition to humanitarian assistance and contributions to multilateral development agencies. The scale of this aid places it on par with China and India.[231] The Brazilian South-South aid has been described as a "global model in waiting".[232] Law enforcement and crime Main articles: Law enforcement in Brazil and Crime in Brazil Field agents of the Federal Police's Tactical Operations Command In Brazil, the Constitution establishes six different police agencies for law enforcement: Federal Police Department, Federal Highway Police, Federal Railroad Police, Federal, District and State Penal Police (included by the Constitutional Amendment No. 104, of 2019), Military Police and Civil Police. Of these, the first three are affiliated with federal authorities, the last two are subordinate to state governments and the Penal Police can be subordinated to the federal or state/district government. All police forces are the responsibility of the executive branch of any of the federal or state powers.[15] The National Public Security Force also can act in public disorder situations arising anywhere in the country.[233] The country still has above-average levels of violent crime and particularly high levels of gun violence and homicide. In 2012, the World Health Organization (WHO) estimated the number of 32 deaths per 100,000 inhabitants, one of the highest rates of homicide of the world.[234] The number considered tolerable by the WHO is about 10 homicides per 100,000 inhabitants.[235] In 2018, Brazil had a record 63,880 murders.[236] However, there are differences between the crime rates in the Brazilian states. While in São Paulo the homicide rate registered in 2013 was 10.8 deaths per 100,000 inhabitants, in Alagoas it was 64.7 homicides per 100,000 inhabitants.[237] Brazil also has high levels of incarceration and the third largest prison population in the world (behind only China and the United States), with an estimated total of approximately 700,000 prisoners around the country (June 2014), an increase of about 300% compared to the index registered in 1992.[238] The high number of prisoners eventually overloaded the Brazilian prison system, leading to a shortfall of about 200,000 accommodations.[239] Human rights See also: Human rights in Brazil and LGBT rights in Brazil LGBT rights are generally supported within Brazil,[240][241] and same-sex marriage has been fully recognised since 2013.[242] However, police violence and gender-based discrimination remain prevalent throughout the nation.[243][244] Brazil has one of the highest Gini coefficient rankings in Latin America.[7] Political subdivisions Main article: Subdivisions of Brazil Further information: Municipalities of Brazil, States of Brazil, and Regions of Brazil Atlantic OceanPacific OceanNorthNortheastCentral-WestSoutheastSouthAcreAmazonasParáRoraimaAmapáRondôniaTocantinsMaranhãoBahiaPiauíCearáRio Grande do NorteParaíbaPernambucoAlagoasSergipeMato GrossoMato Grosso do SulFederal DistrictGoiásMinas GeraisSão PauloRio de JaneiroEspírito SantoParanáSanta CatarinaRio Grande do SulArgentinaBoliviaChileColombiaFrench GuianaGuyanaParaguayPeruSurinameUruguayVenezuelaStates of Brazil and Regions of Brazil Brazil is a federation composed of 26 states, one federal district, and the 5,570 municipalities.[15] States have autonomous administrations, collect their own taxes and receive a share of taxes collected by the Federal government. They have a governor and a unicameral legislative body elected directly by their voters. They also have independent Courts of Law for common justice. Despite this, states have much less autonomy to create their own laws than in other federal states such as the United States. For example, criminal and civil laws can be voted by only the federal bicameral Congress and are uniform throughout the country.[15] The states and the federal district are grouped into regions: Northern, Northeast, Central-West, Southeast and Southern. The Brazilian regions are merely geographical, not political or administrative divisions, and they do not have any specific form of government. Although defined by law, Brazilian regions serve mainly statistical purposes, and also to define the distribution of federal funds in development projects. Municipalities, as the states, have autonomous administrations, collect their own taxes and receive a share of taxes collected by the federal and state government.[15] Each has an elected mayor and legislative body, but no separate Court of Law. Indeed, a Court of Law organized by the state can encompass many municipalities in a single justice administrative division called comarca (county). Brazil's constitution also provides for the creation of federal territories, which are administrative divisions directly controlled by the federal government. However, there are currently no federal territories in the country, as the 1988 Constitution abolished the last three: Amapá and Roraima (which gained statehood status) and Fernando de Noronha, which became a state district of Pernambuco.[245][246] Economy Main article: Economy of Brazil See also: Brazilian real, Agriculture in Brazil, Mining in Brazil, and Industry in Brazil São Paulo, the largest financial centre in Brazil B3, the largest stock exchange of Latin America by market capitalization Soybean crop in Rondonópolis, Mato Grosso[247] The KC-390, developed by Embraer, the third largest producer of civil aircraft, after Boeing and Airbus[248] Brazil's upper-middle income mixed market economy is rich in natural resources.[249] It has the largest national economy in Latin America, the tenth-largest economy in the world by nominal GDP, and the ninth-largest by PPP. After rapid growth in preceding decades, the country entered an ongoing recession in 2014 amid a political corruption scandal and nationwide protests. A developing country, Brazil has a labor force of roughly 100 million,[250] which is the world's fifth-largest; with a high unemployment rate of 14.4% as of 2021.[251] Its foreign exchange reserves are the tenth-highest in the world.[252] The B3 in São Paulo is the largest stock exchange of Latin America by market capitalization. In regards to poverty, about 1.9% of the total population lives at $2.15 a day,[253] while about 19% live at $6.85 a day.[254] Brazil's economy suffers from endemic corruption and high income inequality.[255] The Brazilian real is the national currency. Brazil's diversified economy includes agriculture, industry, and a wide range of services.[256] The large service sector accounts for about 72.7% of total GDP, followed by the industrial sector (20.7%), while the agriculture sector is by far the smallest, making up 6.6% of total GDP.[257] Brazil is one of the largest producers of various agricultural commodities,[258] and also has a large cooperative sector that provides 50% of the food in the country.[259] It has been the world's largest producer of coffee for the last 150 years.[30] Brazil is the world's largest producer of sugarcane, soy, coffee and orange; is one of the top 5 producers of maize, cotton, lemon, tobacco, pineapple, banana, beans, coconut, watermelon and papaya; and is one of the top 10 world producers of cocoa, cashew, mango, rice, tomato, sorghum, tangerine, avocado, persimmon, and guava, among others. Regarding livestock, it is one of the 5 largest producers of chicken meat, beef, pork and cow's milk in the world.[260] In the mining sector, Brazil is among the largest producers of iron ore, copper, gold,[261] bauxite, manganese, tin, niobium,[262] and nickel. In terms of precious stones, Brazil is the world's largest producer of amethyst, topaz, agate and one of the main producers of tourmaline, emerald, aquamarine, garnet and opal.[263][264] The country is a major exporter of soy, iron ore, pulp (cellulose), maize, beef, chicken meat, soybean meal, sugar, coffee, tobacco, cotton, orange juice, footwear, airplanes, cars, vehicle parts, gold, ethanol, semi-finished iron, among other products.[265][266] Brazil is the world's 24th-largest exporter and 26th-largest importer as of 2021.[267][268] China is its largest trading partner, accounting for 32% of the total trade. Other large trading partners include the United States, Argentina, the Netherlands and Canada.[269] Its automotive industry is the eighth-largest in the world.[270] In the food industry, Brazil was the second-largest exporter of processed foods in the world in 2019.[271] The country was the second-largest producer of pulp in the world and the eighth-largest producer of paper in 2016.[272] In the footwear industry, Brazil was the fourth-largest producer in 2019.[273] It was also the ninth-largest producer of steel in the world.[274][275][276] In 2018, the chemical industry of Brazil was the eighth-largest in the world.[277][278][279] Although, it was among the five largest world producers in 2013, Brazil's textile industry is very little integrated into world trade.[280] The tertiary sector (trade and services) represented 75.8% of the country's GDP in 2018, according to the IBGE. The service sector was responsible for 60% of GDP and trade for 13%. It covers a wide range of activities: commerce, accommodation and catering, transport, communications, financial services, real estate activities and services provided to businesses, public administration (urban cleaning, sanitation, etc.) and other services such as education, social and health services, research and development, sports activities, etc., since it consists of activities complementary to other sectors.[281][282] Micro and small businesses represent 30% of the country's GDP. In the commercial sector, for example, they represent 53% of the GDP within the activities of the sector.[283] Tourism Main article: Tourism in Brazil Iguazu Falls on the Argentina–Brazil border The colonial city of Ouro Preto, a World Heritage Site Tourism in Brazil is a growing sector and key to the economy of several regions of the country. The country had 6.36 million visitors in 2015, ranking in terms of the international tourist arrivals as the main destination in South America and second in Latin America after Mexico.[284] Revenues from international tourists reached US$6 billion in 2010, showing a recovery from the 2008–2009 economic crisis.[285] Historical records of 5.4 million visitors and US$6.8 billion in receipts were reached in 2011.[286][287] In the list of world tourist destinations, in 2018, Brazil was the 48th most visited country, with 6.6 million tourists (and revenues of 5.9 billion dollars).[288] Natural areas are its most popular tourism product, a combination of ecotourism with leisure and recreation, mainly sun and beach, and adventure travel, as well as cultural tourism. Among the most popular destinations are the Amazon Rainforest, beaches and dunes in the Northeast Region, the Pantanal in the Center-West Region, beaches at Rio de Janeiro and Santa Catarina, cultural tourism in Minas Gerais and business trips to São Paulo.[289] In terms of the 2015 Travel and Tourism Competitiveness Index (TTCI), which is a measurement of the factors that make it attractive to develop business in the travel and tourism industry of individual countries, Brazil ranked in the 28th place at the world's level, third in the Americas, after Canada and United States.[290][291] Domestic tourism is a key market segment for the tourism industry in Brazil. In 2005, 51 million Brazilian nationals made ten times more trips than foreign tourists and spent five times more money than their international counterparts.[292] The main destination states in 2005 were São Paulo (27.7%), Minas Gerais (10.8%), Rio de Janeiro (8.4%), Bahia (7.4%), and Santa Catarina (7.2%). The top three states by trip origin were São Paulo (35.7%), Minas Gerais (13.6%).[292] In terms of tourism revenues, the top earners by state were São Paulo (16.4%) and Bahia (11.7%). For 2005, the three main trip purposes were visiting friends and family (53.1%), sun and beach (40.8%), and cultural tourism (12.5%).[293] Science and technology Main article: Science and technology in Brazil VLS-1 at the Alcântara Launch Center of the Brazilian Space Agency, in Alcântara, Maranhão Sirius, a diffraction-limited storage ring synchrotron light source at the Laboratório Nacional de Luz Síncrotron, in Campinas, São Paulo Technological research in Brazil is largely carried out in public universities and research institutes, with the majority of funding for basic research coming from various government agencies.[294] Brazil's most esteemed technological hubs are the Oswaldo Cruz Institute, the Butantan Institute, the Air Force's Aerospace Technical Center, the Brazilian Agricultural Research Corporation and the National Institute for Space Research.[295][296] The Brazilian Space Agency has the most advanced space program in Latin America, with significant resources to launch vehicles, and manufacture of satellites.[297] Owner of relative technological sophistication, the country develops submarines, aircraft, as well as being involved in space research, having a Vehicle Launch Center Light and being the only country in the Southern Hemisphere the integrate team building International Space Station (ISS).[298] The country is also a pioneer in the search for oil in deep water, from where it extracts 73% of its reserves. Uranium is enriched at the Resende Nuclear Fuel Factory, mostly for research purposes (as Brazil obtains 88% of its electricity from hydroelectricity[299]) and the country's first nuclear submarine is expected to be launched in 2029.[300] Brazil is one of the three countries in Latin America[301] with an operational Synchrotron Laboratory, a research facility on physics, chemistry, material science and life sciences, and Brazil is the only Latin American country to have a semiconductor company with its own fabrication plant, the CEITEC.[302] According to the Global Information Technology Report 2009–2010 of the World Economic Forum, Brazil is the world's 61st largest developer of information technology.[303] Brazil was ranked 49th in the Global Innovation Index in 2023, up from 66th in 2019.[304][305][306] Among the most renowned Brazilian inventors are priests Bartolomeu de Gusmão, Landell de Moura and Francisco João de Azevedo, besides Alberto Santos-Dumont,[307] Evaristo Conrado Engelberg,[308] Manuel Dias de Abreu,[309] Andreas Pavel[310] and Nélio José Nicolai.[311] Brazilian science is represented by the likes of César Lattes (Brazilian physicist Pathfinder of Pi Meson),[312] Mário Schenberg (considered the greatest theoretical physicist of Brazil),[313] José Leite Lopes (only Brazilian physicist holder of the UNESCO Science Prize),[314] Artur Ávila (the first Latin American winner of the Fields Medal)[315] and Fritz Müller (pioneer in factual support of the theory of evolution by Charles Darwin).[316] Energy Main article: Energy in Brazil The Itaipu Dam on the Paraná River, the second largest of the world. Brazilian energy matrix is one of the cleanest in the world. Wind farm in Parnaíba, Piauí. Brazil is one of the 5 largest producers of wind energy in the world. Brazil is the world's ninth largest energy consumer.[317] Much of its energy comes from renewable sources, particularly hydroelectricity and ethanol; the Itaipu Dam is the world's largest hydroelectric plant by energy generation,[318] and the country has other large plants like Belo Monte and Tucuruí. The first car with an ethanol engine was produced in 1978 and the first airplane engine running on ethanol in 2005.[319] At the end of 2021 Brazil was the 2nd country in the world in terms of installed hydroelectric power (109.4 GW) and biomass (15.8 GW), the 7th country in the world in terms of installed wind power (21.1 GW) and the 14th country in the world in terms of installed solar power (13.0 GW) – on track to also become one of the top 10 in the world in solar energy.[320] At the end of 2021, Brazil was the 4th largest producer of wind energy in the world (72 TWh), behind only China, the United States and Germany, and the 11th largest producer of solar energy in the world (16.8 TWh).[321] The main characteristic of the Brazilian energy matrix is that it is much more renewable than that of the world. While in 2019 the world matrix was only 14% made up of renewable energy, Brazil's was at 45%. Petroleum and oil products made up 34.3% of the matrix; sugar cane derivatives, 18%; hydraulic energy, 12.4%; natural gas, 12.2%; firewood and charcoal, 8.8%; varied renewable energies, 7%; mineral coal, 5.3%; nuclear, 1.4%, and other non-renewable energies, 0.6%.[322] In the electric energy matrix, the difference between Brazil and the world is even greater: while the world only had 25% of renewable electric energy in 2019, Brazil had 83%. The Brazilian electric matrix was composed of: hydraulic energy, 64.9%; biomass, 8.4%; wind energy, 8.6%; solar energy, 1%; natural gas, 9.3%; oil products, 2%; nuclear, 2.5%; coal and derivatives, 3.3%.[322] Brazil has the largest electricity sector in Latin America. Its capacity at the end of 2021 was 181,532 MW.[323] As for oil, the Brazilian government has embarked on a program over the decades to reduce dependence on imported oil, which previously accounted for more than 70% of the country's oil needs. Brazil became self-sufficient in oil in 2006–2007. In 2021, the country closed the year as the 7th oil producer in the world, with an average of close to three million barrels per day, becoming an exporter of the product.[324][325] Transportation Main article: Transport in Brazil Terminal 3 of the São Paulo–Guarulhos International Airport, the busiest airport in South America BR-116 in São José dos Campos, São Paulo, the longest highway in the country,[326] with 4,542 km (2,822 mi) of extension[327] Brazilian roads are the primary carriers of freight and passenger traffic. The road system totaled 1,720,000 km (1,068,758 mi) in 2019.[328] The total of paved roads increased from 35,496 km (22,056 mi) in 1967 to 215,000 km (133,595 mi) in 2018.[329][330] Brazil's railway system has been declining since 1945, when emphasis shifted to highway construction. The country's total railway track length was 30,576 km (18,999 mi) in 2015,[331] as compared with 31,848 km (19,789 mi) in 1970, making it the ninth largest network in the world. Most of the railway system belonged to the Federal Railroad Network Corporation (RFFSA), which was privatized in 2007.[332] The São Paulo Metro was the first underground transit system in Brazil, which began operating on 14 September 1974.[333] There are about 2,500 airports in Brazil, including landing fields: the second largest number in the world, after the United States.[334] São Paulo–Guarulhos International Airport, near São Paulo, is the largest and busiest airport with nearly 20 million passengers annually, while handling the vast majority of commercial traffic for the country.[335] For freight transport waterways are of importance, e.g. the industrial zones of Manaus can be reached only by means of the Solimões–Amazonas waterway (3,250 kilometers or 2,020 miles in length, with a minimum depth of six meters or 20 feet). The country also has 50,000 kilometers (31,000 miles) of waterways.[336] Coastal shipping links widely separated parts of the country. Bolivia and Paraguay have been given free ports at Santos. Of the 36 deep-water ports, Santos, Itajaí, Rio Grande, Paranaguá, Rio de Janeiro, Sepetiba, Vitória, Suape, Manaus, and São Francisco do Sul are the most important.[337] Bulk carriers have to wait up to 18 days before being serviced, container ships 36.3 hours on average.[338] Demographics Main articles: Demographics of Brazil and Brazilians See also: Immigration to Brazil and List of Brazilian states by population density Population density of Brazilian municipalities The population of Brazil, as recorded by the 2008 PNAD, was approximately 190 million[339] (22.31 inhabitants per square kilometer or 57.8/sq mi), with a ratio of men to women of 0.95:1[340] and 83.75% of the population defined as urban.[341] The population is heavily concentrated in the Southeastern (79.8 million inhabitants) and Northeastern (53.5 million inhabitants) regions, while the two most extensive regions, the Center-West and the North, which together make up 64.12% of the Brazilian territory, have a total of only 29.1 million inhabitants. The first census in Brazil was carried out in 1872 and recorded a population of 9,930,478.[342] From 1880 to 1930, 4 million Europeans arrived.[343] Brazil's population increased significantly between 1940 and 1970, because of a decline in the mortality rate, even though the birth rate underwent a slight decline. In the 1940s the annual population growth rate was 2.4%, rising to 3.0% in the 1950s and remaining at 2.9% in the 1960s, as life expectancy rose from 44 to 54 years[344] and to 72.6 years in 2007.[345] It has been steadily falling since the 1960s, from 3.04% per year between 1950 and 1960 to 1.05% in 2008 and is expected to fall to a negative value of –0.29% by 2050[346] thus completing the demographic transition.[347] In 2008, the illiteracy rate was 11.48%.[348] Race and ethnicity Main article: Race and ethnicity in Brazil Race and ethnicity in Brazil 2022   Mixed (45.3%)   White (42.8%)   Black (10.6%)   East Asian (1.1%)   Natives (0.8%) According to the National Research by Household Sample (PNAD) of 2022, 45.3% of the population (about 91 million) described themselves as Pardo, 43.8% (about 88 million) as White, 10.6% (about 21 million) as Black, 1.1% (about 2 million) as East Asian (officially called yellow or amarela) and 0.8% (about 1 million) as Amerindian (officially called indígena, Indigenous), while 0.07% (about 130 thousand) did not declare their race.[349] Since the arrival of the Portuguese in 1500, considerable genetic mixing between Amerindians, Europeans, and Africans has taken place in all regions of the country (with European ancestry being dominant nationwide according to the vast majority of all autosomal studies undertaken covering the entire population, accounting for between 65% and 77%).[350][351][352][353] From the 19th century, Brazil opened its borders to immigration. About five million people from over 60 countries migrated to Brazil between 1808 and 1972, most of them of Portuguese, Italian, Spanish, German, Ukrainian, Polish, Jewish, Armenian, Russian, Chinese, Japanese, and Arab origin.[354][355][356] Brazil has the second largest Jewish community in Latin America making up 0.06% of its population.[357] Brazil also has the largest Arab (or Arab ancestry) community in the world outside the Arab world, with 15–20 million people.[358][359] Brazilian society is more markedly divided by social class lines, although a high income disparity is found between race groups, so racism and classism often overlap. The brown population (officially called pardo in Portuguese, also colloquially moreno)[360][361] is a broad category that includes caboclos (assimilated Amerindians in general, and descendants of Whites and Natives), mulatos (descendants of primarily Whites and Afro-Brazilians) and cafuzos (descendants of Afro-Brazilians and Natives).[360][361][362][363][364] Higher percents of Blacks, mulattoes and tri-racials can be found in the eastern coast of the Northeastern region from Bahia to Paraíba[364][365] and also in northern Maranhão,[366][367] southern Minas Gerais[368] and in eastern Rio de Janeiro.[364][368] People of considerable Amerindian ancestry form the majority of the population in the Northern, Northeastern and Center-Western regions.[369] In 2007, the National Indian Foundation estimated that Brazil has 67 different uncontacted tribes, up from their estimate of 40 in 2005. Brazil is believed to have the largest number of uncontacted peoples in the world.[370] Religion Main article: Religion in Brazil Further information: Catholic Church in Brazil and Protestantism in Brazil Religion in Brazil (2010 Census)   Catholicism (64.6%)   Protestantism (22.2%)   Spiritism (2.0%)   Other (3.2%)   No religion (8.0%) Christianity is the country's predominant faith, with Roman Catholicism being its largest denomination. Brazil has the world's largest Catholic population.[371][372] According to the 2010 Demographic Census (the PNAD survey does not inquire about religion), 64.63% of the population followed Roman Catholicism; 22.2% Protestantism; 2.0% Kardecist spiritism; 3.2% other religions, undeclared or undetermined; while 8.0% had no religion.[2] Religion in Brazil was formed from the meeting of the Catholic Church with the religious traditions of enslaved African peoples and indigenous peoples.[373] This confluence of faiths during the Portuguese colonization of Brazil led to the development of a diverse array of syncretistic practices within the overarching umbrella of Brazilian Catholic Church, characterized by traditional Portuguese festivities,[374] Religious pluralism increased during the 20th century,[375] and the Protestant community has grown to include over 22% of the population.[376] The most common Protestant denominations are Evangelical Pentecostal ones. Other Protestant branches with a notable presence in the country include the Baptists, Seventh-day Adventists, Lutherans and the Reformed tradition.[377] In recent decades, Protestantism, particularly in forms of Pentecostalism and Evangelicalism, has spread in Brazil, while the proportion of Catholics has dropped significantly.[378] After Protestantism, individuals professing no religion are also a significant group, exceeding 8% of the population as of the 2010 census. The cities of Boa Vista, Salvador, and Porto Velho have the greatest proportion of Irreligious residents in Brazil. Teresina, Fortaleza, and Florianópolis were the most Roman Catholic in the country.[379] Greater Rio de Janeiro, not including the city proper, is the most irreligious and least Roman Catholic Brazilian periphery, while Greater Porto Alegre and Greater Fortaleza are on the opposite sides of the lists, respectively.[379] In October 2009, the Brazilian Senate approved and enacted by the President of Brazil in February 2010, an agreement with the Vatican, in which the Legal Statute of the Catholic Church in Brazil is recognized.[380][381] Health Main articles: Health in Brazil and Sistema Único de Saúde The Clinical Hospital of Porto Alegre is academically linked to the Federal University of Rio Grande do Sul and is part of the SUS, the Brazilian publicly funded health care system. The Brazilian public health system, the Unified Health System (Sistema Único de Saúde – SUS), is managed and provided by all levels of government,[382] being the largest system of this type in the world.[383] On the other hand, private healthcare systems play a complementary role.[384] Public health services are universal and offered to all citizens of the country for free. However, the construction and maintenance of health centers and hospitals are financed by taxes, and the country spends about 9% of its GDP on expenditures in the area. In 2012, Brazil had 1.85 doctors and 2.3 hospital beds for every 1,000 inhabitants.[385][386] Despite all the progress made since the creation of the universal health care system in 1988, there are still several public health problems in Brazil. In 2006, the main points to be solved were the high infant (2.51%) and maternal mortality rates (73.1 deaths per 1000 births).[387] The number of deaths from noncommunicable diseases, such as cardiovascular diseases (151.7 deaths per 100,000 inhabitants) and cancer (72.7 deaths per 100,000 inhabitants), also has a considerable impact on the health of the Brazilian population. Finally, external but preventable factors such as car accidents, violence and suicide caused 14.9% of all deaths in the country.[387] The Brazilian health system was ranked 125th among the 191 countries evaluated by the World Health Organization (WHO) in 2000.[388] Education Main article: Education in Brazil Historical building of the Federal University of Paraná, one of the oldest universities in Brazil, located in Curitiba The Federal Constitution and the Law of Guidelines and Bases of National Education determine that the Union, the states, the Federal District, and the municipalities must manage and organize their respective education systems. Each of these public educational systems is responsible for its own maintenance, which manages funds as well as the mechanisms and funding sources. The constitution reserves 25% of the state budget and 18% of federal taxes and municipal taxes for education.[389] According to the IBGE, in 2019, the literacy rate of the population was 93.4%, meaning that 11.3 million (6.6% of population) people are still illiterate in the country, with some states like Rio de Janeiro and Santa Catarina reaching around 97% of literacy rate;[390] functional illiteracy has reached 21.6% of the population.[391] Illiteracy is higher in the Northeast, where 13.87% of the population is illiterate, while the South, has 3.3% of its population illiterate.[392][390] Brazil's private institutions tend to be more exclusive and offer better quality education, so many high-income families send their children there. The result is a segregated educational system that reflects extreme income disparities and reinforces social inequality. However, efforts to change this are making impacts.[393] The University of São Paulo is the second best university in Latin America, according to recent 2019 QS World University Rankings. Of the top 20 Latin American universities, eight are Brazilian. Most of them are public. Attending an institution of higher education is required by Law of Guidelines and Bases of Education. Kindergarten, elementary and medium education are required of all students.[394] Language Main articles: Languages of Brazil, Portuguese language, Brazilian Portuguese, and List of endangered languages in Brazil Museum of the Portuguese Language in São Paulo Alto Rio Negro Indigenous Territory, in São Gabriel da Cachoeira, Amazonas, where Nhengatu, Tucano and Baniwa are co-official languages Pomerode, Santa Catarina, where the East Pomeranian is the second language (see Brazilian German) The official language of Brazil is Portuguese (Article 13 of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Brazil), which almost all of the population speaks and is virtually the only language used in newspapers, radio, television, and for business and administrative purposes. Brazil is the only Portuguese-speaking nation in the Americas, making the language an important part of Brazilian national identity and giving it a national culture distinct from those of its Spanish-speaking neighbors.[395] Brazilian Portuguese has had its own development, mostly similar to 16th-century Central and Southern dialects of European Portuguese[396] (despite a very substantial number of Portuguese colonial settlers, and more recent immigrants, coming from Northern regions, and in minor degree Portuguese Macaronesia), with a few influences from the Amerindian and African languages, especially West African and Bantu restricted to the vocabulary only.[397] As a result, the language is somewhat different, mostly in phonology, from the language of Portugal and other Portuguese-speaking countries (the dialects of the other countries, partly because of the more recent end of Portuguese colonialism in these regions, have a closer connection to contemporary European Portuguese). These differences are comparable to those between American and British English.[397] The 2002 sign language law[398] requires government authorities and public agencies to accept and provide information in Língua Brasileira dos Sinais or "LIBRAS", the Brazilian Sign Language, while a 2005 presidential edict[399] extends this to require teaching of the language as a part of the education and speech and language pathology curricula. LIBRAS teachers, instructors and translators are recognized professionals. Schools and health services must provide access ("inclusion") to deaf people.[400] Minority languages are spoken throughout the nation. One hundred and eighty Amerindian languages are spoken in remote areas and a significant number of other languages are spoken by immigrants and their descendants.[397] In the municipality of São Gabriel da Cachoeira, Nheengatu (a currently endangered South American creole language – or an 'anti-creole', according to some linguists – with mostly Indigenous Brazilian languages lexicon and Portuguese-based grammar that, together with its southern relative língua geral paulista, once was a major lingua franca in Brazil,[401] being replaced by Portuguese only after governmental prohibition led by major political changes),[excessive detail?] Baniwa and Tucano languages had been granted co-official status with Portuguese.[402] There are significant communities of German (mostly the Brazilian Hunsrückisch, a High German language dialect) and Italian (mostly the Talian, a Venetian dialect) origins in the Southern and Southeastern regions, whose ancestors' native languages were carried along to Brazil, and which, still alive there, are influenced by the Portuguese language.[403][404] Talian is officially a historic patrimony of Rio Grande do Sul,[405] and two German dialects possess co-official status in a few municipalities.[406] Italian is also recognized as ethnic language in the Santa Teresa microregion and Vila Velha (Espirito Santo state), and is taught as mandatory second language at school.[407] Urbanization Main article: List of cities in Brazil by population According to IBGE (Brazilian Institute of Geography and Statistics) urban areas already concentrate 84.35% of the population, while the Southeast region remains the most populated one, with over 80 million inhabitants.[408] The largest urban agglomerations in Brazil are São Paulo, Rio de Janeiro, and Belo Horizonte – all in the Southeastern Region – with 21.1, 12.3, and 5.1 million inhabitants respectively.[409][410][411] The majority of state capitals are the largest cities in their states, except for Vitória, the capital of Espírito Santo, and Florianópolis, the capital of Santa Catarina.[412]  vte Largest urban agglomerations in Brazil 2017 Brazilian Institute of Geography and Statistics estimates[409][413][414] Rank Name State Pop. Rank Name State Pop. São Paulo São Paulo Rio de Janeiro Rio de Janeiro 1 São Paulo São Paulo 21,314,716 11 Belém Pará 2,157,180 Belo Horizonte Belo Horizonte Recife Recife 2 Rio de Janeiro Rio de Janeiro 12,389,775 12 Manaus Amazonas 2,130,264 3 Belo Horizonte Minas Gerais 5,142,260 13 Campinas São Paulo 2,105,600 4 Recife Pernambuco 4,021,641 14 Vitória Espírito Santo 1,837,047 5 Brasília Federal District 3,986,425 15 Baixada Santista São Paulo 1,702,343 6 Porto Alegre Rio Grande do Sul 3,894,232 16 São José dos Campos São Paulo 1,572,943 7 Salvador Bahia 3,863,154 17 São Luís Maranhão 1,421,569 8 Fortaleza Ceará 3,594,924 18 Natal Rio Grande do Norte 1,349,743 9 Curitiba Paraná 3,387,985 19 Maceió Alagoas 1,231,965 10 Goiânia Goiás 2,347,557 20 João Pessoa Paraíba 1,168,941 Culture Main article: Culture of Brazil Parade of Portela samba school at the Rio Carnival, the largest carnival in the world[415] The core culture of Brazil is derived from Portuguese culture, because of its strong colonial ties with the Portuguese Empire.[416] Among other influences, the Portuguese introduced the Portuguese language, Roman Catholicism and colonial architectural styles. The culture was also strongly influenced by African, indigenous and non-Portuguese European cultures and traditions.[417] Some aspects of Brazilian culture were influenced by the contributions of Italian, German and other European as well as Japanese, Jewish and Arab immigrants who arrived in large numbers in the South and Southeast of Brazil during the 19th and 20th centuries.[418] The indigenous Amerindians influenced Brazil's language and cuisine; and the Africans influenced language, cuisine, music, dance and religion.[419] Brazilian art has developed since the 16th century into different styles that range from Baroque (the dominant style in Brazil until the early 19th century)[420][421] to Romanticism, Modernism, Expressionism, Cubism, Surrealism and Abstractionism. Brazilian cinema dates back to the birth of the medium in the late 19th century and has gained a new level of international acclaim since the 1960s.[422] Architecture Main article: Architecture of Brazil The Cathedral of Brasilia, designed by Brazilian architect Oscar Niemeyer for the federal capital, an example of Modern architecture The architecture of Brazil is influenced by Europe, especially Portugal. It has a history that goes back 500 years to the time when Pedro Álvares Cabral landed in Brazil in 1500. Portuguese colonial architecture was the first wave of architecture to go to Brazil.[423] It is the basis for all Brazilian architecture of later centuries.[424] In the 19th century during the time of the Empire of Brazil, the country followed European trends and adopted Neoclassical and Gothic Revival architecture. Then in the 20th century especially in Brasilia, Brazil experimented with Modernist architecture. The colonial architecture of Brazil dates to the early 16th century when Brazil was first explored, conquered and settled by the Portuguese. The Portuguese built architecture familiar to them in Europe in their aim to colonize Brazil. They built Portuguese colonial architecture which included churches, civic architecture including houses and forts in Brazilian cities and the countryside.[425] During 19th century, Brazilian architecture saw the introduction of more European styles to Brazil such as Neoclassical and Gothic Revival architecture. This was usually mixed with Brazilian influences from their own heritage which produced a unique form of Brazilian architecture.[425] In the 1950s, the modernist architecture was introduced when Brasilia was built as new federal capital in the interior of Brazil to help develop the interior. The architect Oscar Niemeyer idealized and built government buildings, churches and civic buildings in the modernist style.[426] Music Main article: Music of Brazil Tom Jobim, one of the creators of bossa nova, and Chico Buarque, one of the leading names of MPB The music of Brazil was formed mainly from the fusion of European, Native Indigenous, and African elements.[427] Until the nineteenth century, Portugal was the gateway to most of the influences that built Brazilian music, although many of these elements were not of Portuguese origin, but generally European. The first was José Maurício Nunes Garcia, author of sacred pieces with influence of Viennese classicism.[428] The major contribution of the African element was the rhythmic diversity and some dances and instruments that had a bigger role in the development of popular music and folk, flourishing especially in the twentieth century.[427] Popular music since the late eighteenth century began to show signs of forming a characteristically Brazilian sound, with samba considered the most typical and on the UNESCO cultural heritage list.[429] Maracatu and Afoxê are two music traditions that have been popularized by their appearance in the annual Brazilian Carnivals.[430] Capoeira is usually played with its own music referred to as capoeira music, which is usually considered to be a call-and-response type of folk music.[431] Forró is a type of folk music prominent during the Festa Junina in northeastern Brazil.[432] Jack A. Draper III, a professor of Portuguese at the University of Missouri,[433] argues that Forró was used as a way to subdue feelings of nostalgia for a rural lifestyle.[434] Choro is a very popular music instrumental style. Its origins are in 19th-century Rio de Janeiro. In spite of the name, the style often has a fast and happy rhythm, characterized by virtuosity, improvisation, subtle modulations and full of syncopation and counterpoint.[435] Bossa nova is also a well-known style of Brazilian music developed and popularized in the 1950s and 1960s.[436] The phrase "bossa nova" means literally "new trend".[437] A lyrical fusion of samba and jazz, bossa nova acquired a large following starting in the 1960s.[438] Literature Main article: Brazilian literature Machado de Assis, poet and novelist, founder of the Brazilian Academy of Letters Brazilian literature dates back to the 16th century, to the writings of the first Portuguese explorers in Brazil, such as Pêro Vaz de Caminha, filled with descriptions of fauna, flora and commentary about the indigenous population that fascinated European readers.[439] Brazil produced significant works in Romanticism – novelists like Joaquim Manuel de Macedo and José de Alencar wrote novels about love and pain. Alencar, in his long career, also treated indigenous people as heroes in the Indigenist novels O Guaraní, Iracema and Ubirajara.[440] Machado de Assis, one of his contemporaries, wrote in virtually all genres and continues to gain international prestige from critics worldwide.[441][442][443] Brazilian Modernism, evidenced by the Modern Art Week in 1922, was concerned with a nationalist avant-garde literature,[444] while Post-Modernism brought a generation of distinct poets like João Cabral de Melo Neto, Carlos Drummond de Andrade, Vinicius de Moraes, Cora Coralina, Graciliano Ramos, Cecília Meireles, and internationally known writers dealing with universal and regional subjects like Jorge Amado, João Guimarães Rosa, Clarice Lispector and Manuel Bandeira.[445][446][447] Brazil's most significant literary award is the Camões Prize, which it shares with the rest of the Portuguese-speaking world. As of 2016, Brazil has eleven recipients of the prize.[448] Brazil also holds its own literary academy, the Brazilian Academy of Letters, a non-profit cultural organization pointed in perpetuating the care of the national language and literature.[449] Cuisine Main article: Brazilian cuisine See also: List of Brazilian dishes Feijoada is one of the main dishes of Brazilian cuisine. Brazilian cuisine varies greatly by region, reflecting the country's varying mix of indigenous and immigrant populations. This has created a national cuisine marked by the preservation of regional differences.[450] Examples are Feijoada, considered the country's national dish;[451] and regional foods such as beiju, feijão tropeiro, vatapá, moqueca, polenta (from Italian cuisine) and acarajé (from African cuisine).[452] The national beverage is coffee and cachaça is Brazil's native liquor. Cachaça is distilled from sugar cane and is the main ingredient in the national cocktail, Caipirinha.[453] A typical meal consists mostly of rice and beans with beef, salad, french fries and a fried egg.[454] Often, it is mixed with cassava flour (farofa). Fried potatoes, fried cassava, fried banana, fried meat and fried cheese are very often eaten in lunch and served in most typical restaurants.[455] Popular snacks are pastel (a fried pastry); coxinha (a variation of chicken croquete); pão de queijo (cheese bread and cassava flour / tapioca); pamonha (corn and milk paste); esfirra (a variation of Lebanese pastry); kibbeh (from Arabic cuisine); empanada (pastry) and empada, little salt pies filled with shrimps or heart of palm. Brazil has a variety of desserts such as brigadeiros (chocolate fudge balls), bolo de rolo (roll cake with goiabada), cocada (a coconut sweet), beijinhos (coconut truffles and clove) and Romeu e Julieta (cheese with goiabada). Peanuts are used to make paçoca, rapadura and pé-de-moleque. Local common fruits like açaí, cupuaçu, mango, papaya, cocoa, cashew, guava, orange, lime, passionfruit, pineapple, and hog plum are turned in juices and used to make chocolates, ice pops and ice cream.[456] Cinema Main article: Cinema of Brazil Festival de Gramado, the biggest film festival in the country The Brazilian film industry began in the late 19th century, during the early days of the Belle Époque. While there were national film productions during the early 20th century, American films such as Rio the Magnificent were made in Rio de Janeiro to promote tourism in the city.[457] The films Limite (1931) and Ganga Bruta (1933), the latter being produced by Adhemar Gonzaga through the prolific studio Cinédia, were poorly received at release and failed at the box office, but are acclaimed nowadays and placed among the finest Brazilian films of all time.[458] The 1941 unfinished film It's All True was divided in four segments, two of which were filmed in Brazil and directed by Orson Welles; it was originally produced as part of the United States' Good Neighbor Policy during Getúlio Vargas' Estado Novo government. During the 1960s, the Cinema Novo movement rose to prominence with directors such as Glauber Rocha, Nelson Pereira dos Santos, Paulo Cesar Saraceni and Arnaldo Jabor. Rocha's films Deus e o Diabo na Terra do Sol (1964) and Terra em Transe (1967) are considered to be some of the greatest and most influential in Brazilian film history.[459] During the 1990s, Brazil saw a surge of critical and commercial success with films such as O Quatrilho (Fábio Barreto, 1995), O Que É Isso, Companheiro? (Bruno Barreto, 1997) and Central do Brasil (Walter Salles, 1998), all of which were nominated for the Academy Award for Best Foreign Language Film, the latter receiving a Best Actress nomination for Fernanda Montenegro. The 2002 crime film City of God, directed by Fernando Meirelles, was critically acclaimed, scoring 90% on Rotten Tomatoes,[460] being placed in Roger Ebert's Best Films of the Decade list[461] and receiving four Academy Award nominations in 2004, including Best Director. Notable film festivals in Brazil include the São Paulo and Rio de Janeiro International Film Festivals and the Gramado Festival. Media Main articles: Telecommunications in Brazil and Television in Brazil See also: Concentration of media ownership § Brazil, and Mass media regulation in Brazil Former President Dilma Rousseff at Jornal Nacional news program. Rede Globo is the world's second-largest commercial television network.[462] The Brazilian press was officially born in Rio de Janeiro on 13 May 1808 with the creation of the Royal Printing National Press by the Prince Regent Dom João.[463] The Gazeta do Rio de Janeiro, the first newspaper published in the country, began to circulate on 10 September 1808.[464] The largest newspapers nowadays are Folha de S.Paulo, Super Notícia, O Globo and O Estado de S. Paulo.[465] Radio broadcasting began on 7 September 1922, with a speech by then President Pessoa, and was formalized on 20 April 1923 with the creation of "Radio Society of Rio de Janeiro".[466] Television in Brazil began officially on 18 September 1950, with the founding of TV Tupi by Assis Chateaubriand.[467] Since then television has grown in the country, creating large commercial broadcast networks such as Globo, SBT, RecordTV, Bandeirantes and RedeTV. Today it is the most important factor in popular culture of Brazilian society, indicated by research showing that as much as 67%[468][469] of the general population follow the same daily soap opera broadcast. By the mid-1960s Brazilian universities had installed mainframe computers from IBM, and Burroughs Large Systems. In the 1970s and 1980s the Brazilian government restricted foreign imports to protect the local manufacturing of computers. In the 1980s Brazil produced half of the computers sold in the country. By 2009 the mobile phone and Internet use of Brazil was the fifth largest in the world.[470] In May 2010, the Brazilian government launched TV Brasil Internacional, an international television station, initially broadcasting to 49 countries.[471] Commercial television channels broadcast internationally include Globo Internacional, RecordTV Internacional and Band Internacional. Visual arts Main article: Brazilian painting Entry in the Forest mural at the Thomas Jefferson Building by Candido Portinari, one of the most important Brazilian painters Brazilian painting emerged in the late 16th century,[472] influenced by Baroque, Rococo, Neoclassicism, Romanticism, Realism, Modernism, Expressionism, Surrealism, Cubism and Abstracionism making it a major art style called Brazilian academic art.[473][474] The French Artistic Mission arrived in Brazil in 1816 proposing the creation of an art academy modeled after the respected Académie des Beaux-Arts, with graduation courses both for artists and craftsmen for activities such as modeling, decorating, carpentry and others and bringing artists like Jean-Baptiste Debret.[474] Upon the creation of the Imperial Academy of Fine Arts, new artistic movements spread across the country during the 19th century and later the event called Modern Art Week definitely broke with academic tradition in 1922 and started a nationalist trend which was influenced by modernist arts.[475] Among the best-known Brazilian painters are Ricardo do Pilar and Manuel da Costa Ataíde (baroque and rococo), Victor Meirelles, Pedro Américo and Almeida Júnior (romanticism and realism), Anita Malfatti, Ismael Nery, Lasar Segall, Emiliano di Cavalcanti, Vicente do Rego Monteiro, and Tarsila do Amaral (expressionism, surrealism and cubism), Aldo Bonadei, José Pancetti and Cândido Portinari (modernism).[476] Sports Main article: Sport in Brazil See also: Brazil at the Olympics Players at the podium with the first Olympic Gold of the Brazil national football team, won in the 2016 Summer Olympics. Football is the most popular sport in the country. The most popular sport in Brazil is football.[477] The Brazilian men's national team is ranked among the best in the world according to the FIFA World Rankings, and has won the World Cup tournament a record five times.[478][479] Volleyball, basketball, auto racing, and martial arts also attract large audiences. The Brazil men's national volleyball team, for example, currently holds the titles of the World League, World Grand Champions Cup, World Championship and the World Cup. In auto racing, three Brazilian drivers have won the Formula One world championship eight times.[480][481][482] The country has also produced significant achievements in other sports such as sailing, swimming, tennis, surfing, skateboarding, MMA, gymnastics, boxing, judo, athletics and table tennis. Some sport variations have their origins in Brazil: beach football,[483] futsal (indoor football)[484] and footvolley emerged in Brazil as variations of football. In martial arts, Brazilians developed Capoeira,[485] Vale tudo,[486] and Brazilian jiu-jitsu.[487] Brazil has hosted several high-profile international sporting events, like the 1950 FIFA World Cup[488] and recently has hosted the 2014 FIFA World Cup, 2019 Copa América and 2021 Copa América .[489] The São Paulo circuit, Autódromo José Carlos Pace, hosts the annual Grand Prix of Brazil.[490] São Paulo organized the IV Pan American Games in 1963, and Rio de Janeiro hosted the XV Pan American Games in 2007.[491] On 2 October 2009, Rio de Janeiro was selected to host the 2016 Olympic Games and 2016 Paralympic Games, making it the first South American city to host the games[492] and second in Latin America, after Mexico City. Furthermore, the country hosted the FIBA Basketball World Cups in 1954 and 1963. At the 1963 event, the Brazil national basketball team won one of its two world championship titles.[493] The São Paulo Revolt of 1924 (also called Revolution of 1924, Movement of 1924 and Rebellion of 1924) was a Brazilian conflict with characteristics of a civil war, triggered by tenentist rebels to overthrow the government of president Artur Bernardes. Initially started in the city of São Paulo on 5 July, the revolt expanded to the interior of the state and inspired other uprisings. The urban combat ended in a loyalist victory on 28 July. The rebels' withdrawal, until September, prolonged the rebellion with the Paraná Campaign. The conspiratorial nucleus behind the revolt consisted of army officers, veterans of the Copacabana Fort revolt, in 1922, who were joined by military personnel from the Public Force of São Paulo, low ranking military and civilians, all enemies of the political system of Brazil's Old Republic. They chose the retired general Isidoro Dias Lopes as their commander and planned a revolt of nationwide dimension, starting with the occupation of São Paulo in a few hours, cutting off one of the arms of the oligarchies that dominated the country in the policy of "coffee with milk". The plan fell apart, there were fewer supporters than expected and the loyalists resisted in the city's center until 8 July, when governor Carlos de Campos withdrew to the Guaiaúna rail station, on the outskirts of the city. The federal government concentrated much of the country's firepower in the city, with a numerical advantage of five to one, and began to reconquer it by the working-class neighborhoods to the east and south of the city's center, under the command of general Eduardo Sócrates. The largest industrial park in the country, São Paulo had its factories paralyzed by the fight, the most intense ever fought within a Brazilian city. There were food shortages and, in the power vacuum, the looting of stores began. The federal government launched an indiscriminate artillery bombardment against the city, which caused heavy damage to houses, industries and the inhabitants. Civilians were the majority of those killed and a third of the city's inhabitants became refugees. The São Paulo economic elite, led by José Carlos de Macedo Soares, president of the Commercial Association, did their best to preserve their properties and order in the city. Fearing a social revolution, the elites influenced the leaders of the revolt to distance themselves from labor movements, such as the anarchists, who had offered their support to the rebels; Macedo Soares and others also unsuccessfully tried to broker a ceasefire. With no prospect of success in battle, the rebels still had an escape route into their occupied territory from Campinas to Bauru, but it was about to be cut off by loyalist victories in the Sorocaba axis. The revolutionary army escaped the imminent siege and moved to the banks of the Paraná River. After an unsuccessful invasion of southern Mato Grosso (the Battle of Três Lagoas), they entrenched themselves in western Paraná, where they joined rebels from Rio Grande do Sul to form the Miguel Costa-Prestes Column. The federal government reestablished the state of emergency and intensified political repression, foreshadowing the apparatus later used by the Estado Novo and the military dictatorship; in São Paulo, the Department of Political and Social Order (Deops) was created. Despite the size of the fighting, the destruction caused and the political consequences, the uprising earned the nickname of "Forgotten Revolution" and does not have public commemorations equivalent to those held for the Constitutionalist Revolution of 1932. Background The tenentist cause Main article: Tenentism Tenentes or lieutenants and senior officers of the Brazilian Army, veterans of the 1922 Copacabana Fort revolt, were the initial nucleus of subsequent revolts, including the one in São Paulo in 1924.[8][9][10] The participation of the same individuals continued from one revolt to another,[11][12] despite new supporters and agendas in the 1924 revolt.[13] The rebellion also encompassed lower ranks of the army,[14] military personnel from the Public Force of São Paulo, and civilians.[15] The historiography addresses the lieutenants as representatives of certain sectors of society (dissident oligarchies, middle classes) and also as a result of the internal dynamics of the army.[16] More concerned with military honor in 1922, two years later the lieutenants had already developed a political vision beyond institutional issues.[17] These rebels or revolutionaries are more easily defined by what they were against than what they were for.[8] The 1922 revolt wanted to prevent Artur Bernardes from taking office as President of Brazil; when this failed, the 1924 one wanted him out of office.[12] The issue was not so much the president himself, but what he represented:[18][19] the hegemony of the agrarian oligarchies of São Paulo and Minas Gerais in Brazil's politics (the "coffee with milk" policy), the power of local coronelism, electoral fraud, corruption, cronyism and favoritism in public affairs, characteristics of politics in the Old Republic.[8][20] They were outraged by what they called Artur Bernardes' "spirit of revenge", who persecuted members of the Republican Reaction, the coalition that faced him in the 1922 election.[8][21] The president submitted Rio de Janeiro and Bahia to federal intervention and, in Rio Grande do Sul, prevented the re-election of Borges de Medeiros as part of the Pact of Pedras Altas, which concluded the 1923 revolution. The government had an authoritarian tendency, starting the term under a state of emergency and renewing it until December 1923.[22][23] The 1922 rebels were subjected to a rigorous and arbitrary trial.[24] Unlike two years earlier, the rebels of 1924 made sure to expose some proposals for the new regime in manifestos and flyers. Their ambition was the "Republic that was not", the return to an ideal that would have existed in the Proclamation of the Brazilian Republic.[25][26][27] To do so, they would break the dominance of the oligarchies over the electorate. The third manifesto published during the revolt[e] advocated a reform of the Judiciary branch, giving it independence from the Executive; public education; and secret ballot with census suffrage. The goal was to eradicate illiteracy, but while that was not possible, voting would be limited to the most enlightened.[28] This idea was taken further in an unpublished draft,[f] proposing a "dictatorship" until 60% of the population was literate, and then a Constituent Assembly would be convened. This document does not necessarily represent the rebels' general opinion, but it demonstrates the influence of some authoritarian thinkers of the period, such as Oliveira Viana, for whom a strong State would be necessary to prepare the population for liberalism. Other conspirators thought of corporatism.[29][28] There were a variety of reforms in mind, but they did not form a cohesive project.[30] Not all participants were ideologically motivated; for some, what was important was their personal commitments, economic demands[31][32][33] or dissatisfaction with their military career.[8] The choice for armed struggle It is not known for certain when conspiracies for a second lieutenant revolt began, but in August 1922 there were already conspiracies in Rio de Janeiro, and in the same period, in Itu, in São Paulo.[34] The atmosphere was tense and rumors circulated of further uprisings.[35] Some rebel officers of 1922 considered the matter closed, and others, although not satisfied, were waiting for the results of the judicial trial. Meanwhile, in 1923 the revolution in Rio Grande do Sul and the reopening of the Military Club rekindled political-military discussions.[35] Many rebels awaited their sentence away from Rio de Janeiro, in conditions to join the conspiracy.[36] In December 1923, Justice ruled, framing the 1922 rebels in Article 107 of the Penal Code ("to change by violent means the political Constitution of the Republic or the established form of government"). Until then, there was an expectation of amnesty;[37] this procedure was traditional in previous military revolts. Precisely for this reason, the government wanted to discourage new revolts. The government's refusal to grant amnesty was seen as yet another vindictive move.[38][39] Of the 50 indicted officers, 22 were already in prison and 17, disappointed, turned themselves in. The other 11 were deserters, notably captains Joaquim Távora, Juarez Távora and Otávio Muniz Guimarães and lieutenants Vitor César da Cunha Cruz, Stênio Caio de Albuquerque Lima, Ricardo Henrique Holl and Eduardo Gomes.[40] These and other imprisoned, exiled, or clandestine officers formed a core of professional revolutionaries, for whom armed struggle seemed the only remaining option.[36] A new rebellion would need to be more sophisticated than the previous one, without the improvisation and simple barracks revolts.[41] The final objective remained the seizure of power in Rio de Janeiro.[42] In the last months of 1923, some plotters were already sounding the possibility of an uprising in the south.[40] In December, a plan to arrest War Minister Setembrino de Carvalho on his way through Ponta Grossa, Paraná, was discovered by the authorities.[43] The government was already expecting a revolt, though not particularly in São Paulo.[44] To dismantle the conspiracy, officers were arrested or transferred from garrison,[45] which was to some extent counterproductive, spreading uprisings to distant regions.[10][46] To demonstrate its strength, the government often placed troops at the ready, preventing officers from leaving their posts.[35] Preparation of the uprising The choice for São Paulo Viaduto do Chá in the 1920s The rebellion intended by the conspirators would have a nationwide dimension, culminating in Rio de Janeiro. The starting point, São Paulo, was the circumstantial result of military planning. Therefore, the 1924 movement was not a São Paulo revolt.[8][47] The initiative belonged to outsiders,[48] and they cared little about São Paulo's political disputes.[49] In Rio, the largest military center in the country,[50] surveillance and denunciation were constant, preventing it from being the starting point.[51] The capital's political police, represented by the 4th Auxiliary Police Station, was well articulated, and the Chief of Police was marshal Carneiro da Fontoura, chosen by Artur Bernardes in place of the traditional law graduates.[45] In contrast, the police apparatus was weaker in São Paulo, where the state government relied heavily on its Public Force, at the time stronger than the federal army garrison in the state. The possibility of taking the Public Force into rebellion was a decisive factor in the choice for São Paulo.[52] The number of supporters in the army and in the Public Force, and the correlation of military strength seemed favorable.[53] The rapid growth of São Paulo made it difficult to identify conspirators and fugitives.[54][55] The approximately 700,000 inhabitants in 1924 were ten times the 65,000 present in 1890.[56][57] The city was the capital of the richest state in the country, the center of commercial and banking activities related to coffee.[58] Initially linked to coffee growing, the accelerated industrialization attracted many immigrants, to the point that foreigners and their descendants represented more than half of the local population.[59] Urbanism and architecture imitated European metropolises, while poor neighborhoods sprawled unplanned on the periphery.[60] São Paulo had the best railroad connections in the country, through which Rio de Janeiro, then the federal capital, could be reached in a few hours. Its fall would have immense national repercussions,[8] cutting off the strong arm of the federal government and the coffee with milk policy, and guaranteeing the rebellion "enormous military, economic and political resources".[55][61] In state politics, dominated by the Paulista Republican Party (PRP), the moment was delicate. Governor Washington Luís had forced Carlos de Campos as his successor, to the detriment of senator Álvaro de Carvalho, generating discontent. The artificial rise in the price of coffee, which caused an increase in the cost of living, led to workers' strikes demanding wage adjustments.[51][62] Since the 1917 general strike, the so-called "social question" was a major concern.[58] Conspiracy network Isidoro Dias Lopes (left) and Miguel Costa The clandestine conspirators worked in civilian jobs, under false identities.[g] To enlist new allies, including officers on active duty, they resorted to their relatives and contacts built up in the Military School of Realengo and in the barracks, prisons and neighborhoods.[15] It was normal for the rebels to be colleagues at the Military School, and many others met each other when arrested.[63] Leaders traveled to barracks across most of the South and Southeast to drum up support.[64][65][66] The revolutionary central committee had a plan to enlist officers, which in the case of São Paulo began to be implemented in August 1923.[67] The conspirators arrested in Rio de Janeiro were given considerable freedom and corresponded with their comrades in São Paulo.[68] Meetings were held in the barracks themselves or in private homes;[67] festivities also provided cover for contacts.[32] In São Paulo, the house of lieutenant Custódio de Oliveira on Vauthier Street, in Pari, served as the "Revolutionary HQ". Joaquim Távora lived there illegally, considered by João Alberto Lins de Barros as the "flag, brain and soul of the movement in its initial phase". The meetings were attended, among others, by major Cabral Velho, inspector of the 6th Infantry Regiment, from Caçapava, captain Newton Estillac Leal, head of war material for the 2nd Military Region, and lieutenants Asdrúbal Gwyer de Azevedo and Luís Cordeiro de Castro Afilhado, from the 4th Battalion of Caçadores.[69] Other articulations took place in Travessa da Fábrica, in Sé, the residence of the deserters Henrique Ricardo Holl and Victor César da Cunha Cruz.[70] A barracks of intense activity was the 4th Regiment of Mounted Artillery (RAM), from Itu, commanded by major Bertoldo Klinger, an officer of great prestige, who even agreed to assume a role in the revolutionary general staff.[32] On 23 December 1923, his superior, general Abílio de Noronha, from the 2nd Military Region, questioned the news of a secret meeting in the barracks; in response, it was assured that all officers were dispersed for the Christmas and New Year holidays.[71] The general, out of exemption, did not want to pursue fugitive officers living clandestinely within his jurisdiction.[72] Since 1922, tenentism had already influenced the officers of the Public Force, who added their own guidelines to the movement, such as the equalization of salaries with that of army officers. The great asset of the conspirators in São Paulo was the support of major Miguel Costa, inspector of the Cavalry Regiment of the Public Force. Costa provided blueprints for barracks and public buildings, taking an active part in planning the occupation of the city.[73] To lead the revolt, the prestige of an older officer was needed; this role was played by marshal Hermes da Fonseca in 1922.[74] Due to the post-1922 purges, the high-ranking officer corps on active duty no longer had rebellion sympathizers. The person found was a retired officer, general Isidoro Dias Lopes, fulfilling the conditions: he was prestigious, had the political ability to attract the trust of civilians and was not involved in 1922. Other names considered were the retired officers Augusto Ximeno de Villeroy, Odílio Bacellar Randolfo de Melo and, on active duty, Bertoldo Klinger and Miguel Costa.[75] The conspirators in Rio de Janeiro considered Isidoro to be oblivious to the situation and preferred Klinger.[76] Low ranking officers and civilians Soldiers of the Public Force of São Paulo The historiography highlights the lieutenants and senior officers in the revolt,[14] stating, for example, that revolutionary propaganda was only made among the officers; from then on, the sergeants, corporals and soldiers would only need to obey.[77] However, the criminal trials opened after the 1924 revolt show the presence of sergeants within the conspiratorial nucleus.[78] In this trial, sergeants were the majority of the military personnel indicted (59%) and convicted (47%); lieutenants are in second place. On the other hand, for Justice, the lower ranks were accomplices, not heads of the plan.[79] The sergeants' defenses justified participation in the rebellion as simple obedience to commanders' orders, sometimes by coercion, but promotions received by many within the revolutionary army suggested their active participation.[80] The movement was a military one, articulated in the barracks, but because it aimed at power, it was of interest outside the barracks. The conspirators made contact with a number of civilians, counting on their support soon after the uprising began. There was difficulty, as plotting outside the barracks was more risky and there were prejudices against civilians. For the defenders of this approach, the presence of civilians is what would give legitimacy to the movement, distinguishing it from a mere barracks uprising.[81][82] Despite the tenentists' criticism of professional politicians, there was an alignment of interests with the Republican Reaction, whose leader, Nilo Peçanha, defended the 1922 rebels and had several meetings with Isidoro.[83][84] An attempt was made to co-opt some dissidents from the São Paulo elite, such as Júlio de Mesquita and Vergueiro Steidel, but they did not want a revolution, much less one made by elements foreign to their class.[8][85] To garner support among the workers, Isidoro used Maurício de Lacerda and Everardo Dias as intermediaries.[86] The conspirators approached the anarchist José Oiticica, the socialist Evaristo de Morais and the Brazilian Cooperative Syndicalist Confederation.[87] Military planning Further information: Urban combat in the São Paulo Revolt of 1924 § Plan of action The units on which the conspirators hoped to count Despite the improvisations in its execution, the 1924 uprising was planned in detail and at length.[88] The conspirators took stock of the support in the barracks and, on the maps, classified the units into "friendly", "that will help us", "easy to join" and "enemy" forces. Complying with strict deployment schedules, these forces would concentrate at strategic points, controlling or destroying rail, telegraph, and telephone connections. The war would be violent and decisive; according to the plan, "cunning and mobility will be the preferred weapons".[89] As long as the forces were outnumbered, they would avoid direct combat.[90] Outside São Paulo, the movement was expected in Minas Gerais, Paraná, Santa Catarina and Rio Grande do Sul, with isolated support in Mato Grosso, Goiás and Rio de Janeiro.[91] In Paraná, Juarez Távora estimated the adhesion of 80% of the garrison, with enough officers to dominate the state, sympathy from the soldiers and civil support.[92] The 1st Military Region as a whole, in Rio de Janeiro, was considered hostile,[42] but there were written orders for the Valença unit.[90] For logistical reasons, there was no plan to revolt in northern Brazil.[93] The plan stated that "the revolutionary movement will begin with the military overthrow of the city of São Paulo, which must necessarily be consummated in a few hours". The participating units would be few, all from the city and the surroundings, to allow a quick and unexpected coup, leaving the loyalists without reaction.[94][95] The next major objective would be Barra do Piraí, in the interior of Rio de Janeiro,[96] where the vanguard commanded by Joaquim Távora would run from before dawn.[97] It would consist of a battalion of 550 men from the 6th Infantry Regiment, from Caçapava. Reinforcement platoons would stay at the Cruzeiro and Barra Mansa junctions. One company would be deployed beyond Santana station, and another to Entre Rios. With the help of civilian elements, telephone and telegraph connections to Petrópolis and Além Paraíba would be cut. In 24 hours, the rebels gathered 3,870 men in Barra do Piraí; in 36 hours, that would be 5,494. They would be in control of the Serra do Mar gorges, through which the Central, Auxiliar, Leopoldina and Oeste railroads passed. The Federal District would be isolated, but the plan did not clarify how it would be occupied.[98] On other fronts, rebel units were expected to reinforce the offensive against Rio de Janeiro,[99] or at least distract the government.[91] To avoid a loyalist amphibious invasion, it would be necessary to occupy São Francisco do Sul, Paranaguá and Santos, or at least the Serra do Mar between Santos and São Paulo. In Rio Grande do Sul, the objective would be to prevent loyalist reinforcements from Porto Alegre to São Paulo.[51][99] Date setting The part of the plan referring to the capital of São Paulo In 1924 the leaders of the conspiracy met several times in Jundiaí and São Paulo to set starting dates for the movement. That definition, and the compromises of who would go first, were complicated.[55] On 24 February, a faction led by Joaquim Távora advocated a quick start, while another faction, represented by Bertoldo Klinger, considered the action premature. Távora's faction prevailed.[100] The chosen date, 28 March,[101] would allow reacting to the imminent federal intervention in Bahia, where it even had the support of governor J. J. Seabra.[51] But the discussion of collective decisions was very difficult, either because of inexperience or fear of repression.[15] The plan had to be postponed due to Klinger, who withdrew from the conspiracy, and doubts about the membership of the 4th Infantry Regiment.[102] To make matters worse, Klinger wrote a letter to Curitiba denying his participation and saying that there was nothing concrete in São Paulo. This was a disaster for the conspiracy in Paraná; according to Juarez Távora, the damage was doubled, as troops from Paraná would later come to fight the rebels.[92] Seabra lost the government of Bahia and Nilo Peçanha died on 31 March, giving yet another dismay to the conspiracy.[103] Without being able to rely on the south, efforts were concentrated in São Paulo.[104] By this time, rumors of the revolt had already reached general Noronha,[71] who demanded pledges of loyalty from his commanders.[55] For months now, confidential reports on the conspiracy had been read by the President of the Republic.[105] Meanwhile, the conspirators set new dates, but did not use any due to lack of guarantees from either unit.[55][h] In desperation, they set 5 July, taking advantage of the symbolism of the anniversary of the 1922 Copacabana Fort revolt.[55] The conspirators almost lost two units, the 2nd Group of Mountain Artillery and the 5th Battalion of Caçadores, as the removal of their commanders was requested by Abílio de Noronha to the Ministry of War on 28 June. Before it was carried out, the revolt broke out.[106] On 30 June, Joaquim Távora put the conspirators in São Paulo on alert, warning them of the imminent arrival of "Severo" (Isidoro).[85] On 2 July, there were rumors of an uprising in Rio de Janeiro, but these were only inspections and transfers of military personnel to dismantle the conspiracy.[87] Isidoro was expected on the morning of 4 July, but arrived 20 hours late, disrupting the execution.[107] Beginning of the urban warfare Main article: Urban combat in the São Paulo Revolt of 1924 § First phase (5-8 July) On 5 July there was no march to Rio de Janeiro,[108] and the expected unit adhesions did not go as planned. Instead of a few hours, the fall of the city took four days, until governor Carlos de Campos withdrew to the Guaiaúna station, on the outskirts of the city. From being a simple instrument in the plan of the conspirators, the city became a victim of urban warfare,[109] the most intense in the history of Brazil, with scenes reminiscent of the First World War.[110] Execution of the plan Rebels on the roof of the 1st BFP barracks, in Luz At 04:30 in the morning of 5 July, general Noronha was notified that officers outside the garrison had moved 80 men from the 4th Battalion of Caçadores (BC), in Santana. The news was relayed to the state government and the Ministry of War.[111] The rebel troop was led to Luz, headquarters of the main barracks complex of the Public Force, which was occupied, without resistance, with the internal action of Miguel Costa. General Isidoro installed the revolutionary command in the general headquarters of the Public Force, and the command of that corporation was with Miguel Costa.[112][113] Detachments of the Public Force occupied the Sorocabana, Luz, Norte and Brás railway stations.[114] In the early hours of this movement, rioting officers won several victories without firing a shot, but to their surprise, the loyalists did the same. General Noronha went to the headquarters of the 4th Battalion of the Public Force (BFP), in Luz, where he dismissed about 30 soldiers from the 4th BC — and they obeyed. Loyalist officers who were imprisoned were released. General Noronha was arrested by the rebels on his way back to his barracks. But the damage was done: Joaquim and Juarez Távora, Castro Afilhado and other rebels, not realizing that the battalion had changed sides, entered the building and were arrested.[111][115] A series of other setbacks scuttled the plan.[116] The 4th Infantry Regiment (RI), from Quitaúna, was supposed to reinforce the movement in the capital, but was not moved by the absence of internal contact, lieutenant Custódio de Oliveira, who a few hours earlier injured his foot on a cannon wheel.[i] The conspirators forgot to cut telegraph and telephone communications, and the National Telegraph Bureau was occupied late and briefly. Lieutenant Ari Cruz, responsible for occupying the building, changed the guard to a company of the Public Force, not realizing that these "reinforcements" were loyalists.[117] Attackers on the Campos Elíseos Palace position a machine gun In Santos, those involved were left without guidance.[118] There were telegrams with orders for captain lieutenant Soares de Pina, commander of the School of Sailor Apprentices and of Naval Shooting in Santos, and for lieutenant Luis Braga Mury, of the 3rd Coast Artillery Group of Itaipu Fort, both in the Baixada Santista. The telegrams were intercepted, and the leaders of the uprising were arrested before they even received them.[107][119] To occupy the Campos Elíseos Palace, the state president's residence, the conspirators relied on lieutenant Villa Nova — in reality, a government informant.[120] There were only 27 men defending the palace, but they were already warned and managed to repel a first occupation attempt, at 7:30 am.[121] A few hours later the rebels bombed the palace and, in the process, missed several shots and killed civilians in the vicinity.[122] Carlos de Campos insisted on staying in place, even when targeted by the enemy, and received a large number of visits.[8][123] Results of the plan's failure Military situation on 7 July After these setbacks, the rebel command decided to concentrate on fighting inside São Paulo.[108] This gave the federal government time to close the Itararé rail branch, the Baixada Santista and the Paraíba Valley. On 6 July, a Navy task force headed by the battleship Minas Geraes docked in Santos.[j] On the following day, loyalist reinforcements from Minas Gerais and Rio de Janeiro led by general Eduardo Sócrates gathered in Barra do Piraí. Sócrates established his headquarters in Caçapava, later transferred to Mogi das Cruzes, with a command post further on in Guaiaúna.[124] Army loyalists occupied São Caetano, between Santos and São Paulo.[125] The fighting spread in São Paulo,[126] approaching the center, where the Anhangabaú valley and the Paissandu, Santa Ifigênia and São Bento squares were fought over. Scattered groups of fighters fought across the tops of buildings and hills.[127] In the 4th BFP, forty loyalists were still under siege.[123] Positions were won and lost, and the situation remained indefinite.[128] On 7 July, 70 loyalists attacked the southeastern flank of the revolutionary forces' heartland, the barracks of Luz. They were repulsed and were besieged at the Light plant, where they were still a threat.[129] By the morning of 5 July, both sides had approximately 1,000 fighters.[130] Unit adhesions outside São Paulo, with a direct effect on the struggle, only occurred in some corps of the 2nd Military Region, and even then, belatedly.[131] On the 6th, the loyalists received reinforcements from the army, but part of them (the 6th Infantry Regiment and a company from the 5th Infantry Reigment) joined the revolt. On 7 July, the loyalists received new reinforcements from the army, the Public Force and a contingent of sailors. Neither side achieved decisive numerical superiority.[130] Consequences for the population People contemplate the result of a shooting on Rua Florêncio de Abreu The morning of 5 July began like any other for civilians, but the sound of gunfire soon scared the inhabitants of the center. Going out into the street in hot spots was too dangerous, and for safety reasons, its inhabitants stayed at home. Many were unable to reach their destination because of the fighting.[132] Trenches proliferated across the landscape;[133] in all, 309 were built in the city.[134] The population was unaware of the leaders and objectives of the revolt,[135] and it was difficult to identify the fighters on both sides; the uniforms of the Army and the Public Force were of different colors, but there were rebels and loyalists in both corporations.[136] The war environment in the center on 8 July was described by journalists Paulo Duarte and Hormisdas Silva as follows:[8] We could not go down the slope of São João, towards the Red Cross, on Rua Líbero, because of the firefight that the forces of captain Guedes da Cunha sustained, from the top of the slope, in Praça Antônio Prado, with the rebel forces in Largo do Paissandu. Through São Bento square, impossible to pass. The fusillade there was more intense. We left the car in front of the State office and, close to the walls, we ventured down the slope. A few bullets whistled around us. Raw materials for the factories and foodstuffs from the interior could hardly arrive, as the train stations were busy. As a result, factories came to a standstill and the distribution of goods was disorganized.[137][138] Almost everything stopped — most businesses, trams, schools and government offices. The phones and power supply still worked, but poorly.[8] Private vehicles were in demand on both sides.[139] Few newspapers circulated, as paper, energy, and even employee movement were limitations. Both the government and rebels censored the press.[140][141] By 9 July, food shortages were already being felt.[142] Bakeries could not get flour, and milkmen turned back when they found trenches.[143] Bars, restaurants, and cafes operated behind closed doors for fear of stray bullets.[135] The population tried to stock as much food as possible,[143] but the warehouses only accepted payment in cash,[142] and the federal government, fearing a run on the banks, declared a holiday until the 12th.[144] Withdrawal of the state government Barricade in the Government Palace, in Pátio do Colégio, abandoned by the loyalists In Campos Elíseos, the rebels conquered positions closer to the government's palace on 7 July and the next day they carried out a new bombardment, this time more effective. Advised by general Estanislau Pamplona to withdraw to a safer location, governor Carlos de Campos went to the Pátio do Colégio complex of government buildings, where police and sailors were concentrated.[127] This place was equally harassed by the rebel artillery, which did not know of the governor's decision, but noticed the concentration of high-ranking officers. Oswald de Andrade mocked the situation: "for the first time in military history, instead of the bullet looking for the target, it was the target that looked for the bullet".[145] The governor again withdrew, this time to the Guaiaúna railway station, in Penha, the last of the Central do Brasil that still communicated with Rio de Janeiro. There were also loyalist reinforcements commanded by general Eduardo Sócrates.[8] The governor was housed in a special locomotive belonging to the railroad administration,[146] serving at the same time as the mobile headquarters and provisional seat of the state government.[147] Rebels at the gate of the 4th BFP By this time morale in the rebel leadership was at an all-time low. General Isidoro, noting the troop's exhaustion and fearing mass desertions, wanted to withdraw the entire revolutionary army to Jundiaí. Miguel Costa insisted on continuing the fight in the urban terrain to which the troops were accustomed. Isidoro ordered the withdrawal for the morning of 9 July, but Miguel Costa spent the night organizing the defenses. He wrote a letter to the governor, taking full responsibility for the uprising and asking for amnesty in exchange for his surrender. If his conditions were not accepted, he would fight to the end. But there was no one to receive the letter; on the morning of the 9th, the government's palace was empty. Its ruins soon filled with curious folk.[145][148] Not only the governor, but also the loyal forces abandoned their positions or surrendered.[137][149] Isidoro, even victorious, considered resigning, resentful of Miguel Costa's insubordination, but the latter convinced him to remain at the head of the movement.[150] The rebels celebrated this turn of events,[145] considered by Isidoro to be a work of chance rather than a military feat.[150] Many years after the conflict, the decision to withdraw was still controversial; the rebels "were so certain of defeat, and yet they received, on a silver platter, the target that they considered unattainable".[151] According to Abílio de Noronha, the leaders abandoned the troops, causing a disorderly retreat.[152] Occupation of São Paulo Distribution of opposing forces around 14 July After the departure of the state government, for a moment the city appeared to return to normality,[135] as hostilities were momentarily interrupted. The rebels did not take advantage of their enemies' low morale at the time of withdrawal and did not carry out their offensive plans.[153] If there was any illusion that the city would function normally, leaving them to deal only with the military front, it was shattered.[154] The city was bombed, the population looted the warehouses and fires consumed the factories. In addition to resisting the new loyalist offensive, the revolutionary command had to deal with the suffering of the population and reorganize the government, ceding responsibilities to civilians.[155] Power vacuum War bonds issued by the "Revolutionary Government of Brazil" General Isidoro proclaimed himself head of a "provisional government".[156][157] The state government was expelled from its headquarters, but this was not the original objective of the revolutionaries; if the Campos Elíseos Palace had been occupied without resistance, they would possibly have kept Carlos de Campos in power. General Isidoro declared in a manifesto that the revolution had no regional or personal objectives; the movement was solely against the federal government. Thus, mayor Firmiano de Morais Pinto was kept in office.[158] His responsibilities increased, filling the gap left by the state government.[159] This attitude contrasted with that of the municipal legislature: the councilors did not meet at any time during the conflict.[160] Respecting the mayor's mandate showed weakness, but allowed the rebels to focus their attention on the military front.[161][162] This decision went beyond a tactical maneuver and demonstrated consistency.[163] Firmiano Pinto was in charge of offering Fernando Prestes de Albuquerque, vice-president of São Paulo, to take the place of the expelled governor of Campos Elíseos. Prestes replied that "he would accept the government transmitted by Dr. Carlos de Campos by his own free will and never by the hands of the revolutionaries"; the mayor agreed. This refusal was no surprise; the vice-president was a powerful colonel from Itapetininga, with a known allegiance to the Paulista Republican Party, and he was organizing a loyalist resistance in the interior. The rebels then offered the government to José Carlos de Macedo Soares, president of the Commercial Association of São Paulo, in a triumvirate with lieutenant leaders, but he refused.[164][165] Looting of stores Living conditions continued to deteriorate:[166] Countless dead and wounded enter the blood hospitals. Garbage accumulates in the streets. Filth reigns. Despite the reduced price list, for foodstuffs, hunger prevails, like an immobilizing plague. (...) In various parts of the city, dead and abandoned horses are displayed. A pestilent smell invades the air, foreshadowing an epidemic, and tortures the nose...[167] Looting of the Puglisi Company deposit Starving, working-class families noticed the lack of policing.[168][169] On 9 July, a wave of popular looting of commercial establishments began in the farthest neighborhoods (Mooca, Brás and Hipódromo), later reaching the center.[170] The city's government recorded 61 looted establishments, 6 looted and set on fire, and 6 robbed throughout the month.[171] Almost all shops, emporiums, and warehouses were attacked.[170] The most affected companies were Sociedade Anônima Scarpa, Matarazzo & Cia, Ernesto de Castro, Nazaré e Teixeira, Motores Marelli, Maheifuz & Cia, Moinho Gamba, Moinho Santista, Reickmann & Cia and J.M. Melo.[172] Oxen loaded onto a Central do Brasil train were released, slaughtered and quartered in the street.[170] In the factories and mills of the Matarazzo family, in Brás, Italian orators spoke during the sacking, calling the owners "usurers and exploiters of the people".[170] About this case, José Carlos de Macedo Soares reported that the crowd "carried every last board of the shelves, breaking the glass, making the scales, cabinets, display cases and counters unusable, everything was broken and carried away".[173] The looting had a moral dimension, expressing popular indignation at rising prices and previous discontent with their bosses.[174] Some of the industries that suffered the greatest looting, such as Matarazzo and Gamba, had experienced strikes in January and February of the same year.[175] Looting was also a way to satisfy hunger and, for some, to make easy profits. Witnesses saw all sorts of goods being carried, such as crockery, silk stockings, typewriters, and electrical wires, not just food.[176][173] Even the journal A Plebe, a periodical with a less negative view of the looting, noted "many people who took advantage of the occasion without being in need, as well as a lot of wastage and damage to food".[177] Both men and women participated, and little coordination and planning was required.[178] It is not known for sure who started the lootings; they may have been a spontaneous movement, but some sources attribute their initiation to João Cabanas, a lieutenant in the revolutionary army.[179] In his account, Cabanas claimed to have shot two looters caught in the act.[180] Finding the Municipal Market surrounded by an angry crowd, he ordered the doors to be broken down and the goods distributed to the poor, taking care only to avoid abuse, which was not entirely possible. According to the judicial trial, the rebels began looting to supply their troops, and the people seized the opportunity.[181] There is also a report of a popular sack supported by the loyalist army in Vila Mariana.[182] In this sense, there was acquiescence from the rebels with the attacks on commercial buildings,[181] but the leaders distanced themselves from any looting or depredations,[183] promising to arrest the rioters, and at the same time, demanding that merchants not exaggerate in prices.[182] Cavalry from the Public Force patrolled the streets, and Army soldiers guarded banks, large export companies, and diplomatic representations.[184] The Revolutionary Police Headquarters, commanded by major Cabral Velho, demanded the return of the looted items, threatening to arrest those responsible based on photographs and denunciations.[185] Restart of the fight Further information: Urban combat in the São Paulo Revolt of 1924 § Second phase (9-27 July) First maneuvers on the periphery Much of the country's combat power was sent to São Paulo. Loyalist reinforcements from the Army and the Public Forces, coming from several states, expanded the loyalist army to 14–15 thousand men by mid-month, armed with the most modern equipment of the Armed Forces. By comparison, the rebels had at most 3 to 3,500 effective fighters, being outnumbered by five to one. The loyalists organized themselves into a division commanded by general Sócrates and consisting of five infantry brigades and one divisional artillery brigade.[186][187] The rebels divided into four defensive sectors and two flankguards.[188] The loyalists came from Rio de Janeiro, via the Central do Brasil railway, and from Santos via the São Paulo Railway, conditioning their distribution in a semicircle extended from Ipiranga, to the south, to Vila Maria, to the east.[189] The front line then fell to the working-class neighborhoods on the periphery.[190] According to general Sócrates, the enemy defensive positions were strong. General Noronha had the opposite opinion, emphasizing the precariousness of the street barricades.[191] But several sources emphasize the defensive value of some points, notably factories.[k] Position of the rebels on Rua da Liberdade At Ipiranga, the Arlindo brigade left its left flank exposed to an attack from Cambuci and Vila Mariana on 10 July, but managed to repel the offensive.[192][193] With its right flank secured by advances from the Tertuliano Potiguara brigade in Mooca, the Arlindo brigade occupied positions in Cambuci and Liberdade on 14 July.[194] Meanwhile, on the banks of the Tietê River, the Florindo Ramos brigade had its advance blocked by the defenders of the Maria Zélia Factory.[195] According to Abílio de Noronha, coordination between the loyalist brigades was very precarious, leaving flanks exposed to rebel attacks. These, applying the principle of concentration of forces, kept a large part of their staff as a motorized reserve.[187][196] Thus, on 14 July, the Potiguara brigade advanced too far, exposed its flanks and was forced to retreat. This exposed the flanks of the Telles brigades, on their right, and Arlindo, on their left. By 16 July, the Arlindo brigade's gains were reversed.[194][197] During this counteroffensive, the rebels suffered a great loss: Joaquim Távora was mortally wounded in the attack on the barracks of the 5th BFP, in Liberdade.[198] Loyalist bombardment Main article: Bombing of São Paulo 75 mm cannon Artillery fire was the main cause of death in the conflict.[199] The government had the material advantage in this armament. It had numerous, more modern and larger caliber cannons. Against about 20 Krupp guns of 75 and 105 millimeters, the loyalists had more than a hundred guns from Krupp, Schneider and Saint-Chamond, including 155 millimeter cannons. The insurgents' artillery could not compete with the longer-range guns of the government, well positioned on the ridges around the city.[5][200] On 8 to 9 July, loyalist artillery attacked Luz, where the revolutionary headquarters was located, and Brás. The bombardment intensified from the 10th to the 11th, also hitting Mooca and Belenzinho. Many other neighborhoods were hit throughout the month, such as Liberdade, Aclimação, Vila Mariana,[201] Vila Buarque, Campos Elíseos,[202] Paraíso[203] and Ipiranga.[204] Hardest hit were Luz and the working-class neighborhoods of the east,[205] but the wealthier residential neighborhoods, while much less affected, were not spared.[206] The bombardment was continuous, day and night;[207] on 22 July, 130 artillery shells were fired per hour.[208] Destroyed house on Serra de Araraquara street Densely populated areas devoid of military targets were hit. The shells collapsed walls and roofs, destroying the houses. Terror dominated the population, who took refuge in cellars.[209] Civilians were the majority of those killed.[201][210] An emblematic case was the Teatro Olympia, in Brás:[211] although located half a kilometer from the nearest trench, it was hit on the 15th, burying dozens of homeless families.[212][213] The government did not seem to mind the collateral damage.[214] The rebels also showed little regard for civilian casualties,[215] but caused much less damage.[216] Many industries were damaged, such as Companhia Antarctica Paulista, Biscoitos Duchen, and Moinhos Gamba.[217] Most shocking was the symbol of São Paulo's industrial power, the Cotonifício (Cotton Factory) Crespi,[218] which housed rebel troops and displaced families. It was set on fire as many as five times and partially destroyed.[211][219] By the 22nd, plumes of smoke were visible for miles around.[220] Fires consumed several parts of the city, attributed to both bombing and looting.[137] The Criminal Court was also set on fire, which may have been a destruction of records, unrelated to the bombing.[185] Wall of Cotonificio Crespi Militarily, bombing may have been a way to progressively wear down the enemy and spare the troops themselves.[221][222] However, it had little effect on the defenses;[l] Abílio de Noronha evaluated it as an attack at random, without regulation and correction of fire, disobeying the principles of artillery use.[223] The Minister of War condemned his enemies for "fighting under the moral protection of the civilian population",[224] but promised that he would not cause unnecessary material damage.[225] Carlos de Campos was tougher in his rhetoric: "São Paulo would rather see its beautiful capital destroyed than legality in Brazil destroyed".[226] Historians discuss the bombing as deliberate violence to the civilian population, a "terrorizing bombing" or "German-style bombing".[227][201][228][229][230] This could be a way to pressure the rebels to leave the city, hastening a capitulation,[231][229] a return to the brutal methods used in the Canudos and Contestado wars,[232] and/or a punishment of the workers for their association with the rebels,[233][213] or for the looting.[234] International law of the period condemned indiscriminate bombing, without regard for civilians, as a war crime. In the years after the revolt, the legality of the decision was hotly debated among jurists.[235][236] Population exodus Return of refugees after the end of the conflict Fleeing the violence, the population, especially in the most bombed regions, moved en masse to neighborhoods farther from the center, such as Casa Verde, Lapa, Perdizes and Santo Amaro, and to the interior of the state.[237] The prefecture registered 42,315 people sheltering in hospitals, schools, churches and other institutions.[238] Many other evacuees stayed in tarpaulin barracks.[8] 257,981 refugees were counted by the prefecture, about a third of the city's 700,000 inhabitants;[143] some figures go up to 300,000 refugees.[166] Comparing the population of the municipality in the 2010s, with 11 million inhabitants, there would be 4 million refugees.[m] The main destination was Campinas, with smaller flows to Jundiaí, Itu, Rio Claro and even more distant municipalities such as Bauru.[239][240] The rich preferred their farms or Santos.[241] Cities such as Campinas began to have supply problems.[242] The main means of transport was the railroad, used by 212,385 refugees, according to the prefecture.[143] Rail connections with the interior were re-established on 12 July, but they were irregular and risky.[242] Families crowded into the Luz and Sorocabana stations, and the trains left with refugees hanging from the railings outside the wagons.[243] Refugees left by any means possible: in automobiles, carts, wagons or on foot.[244] Relations with society Economic elite Rebel soldiers guarding a branch of the Bank of Brazil The bombings, fires and looting caused a lot of damage to São Paulo's economic elite, who acted actively to defend their properties and prevent the collapse of the city. The rebels overthrew the political power (i.e. the governor), but they still had to deal with the economic power — the Industrial Center, Rural Society, Association of Banks and the Commercial Association. The latter declared support for Carlos de Campos at the start of the revolt, but cooperated with the rebels when they became the real authority in the city.[233][245] The looting was a major factor in friction between the rebels and the bankers, farmers, industrialists, and merchants.[246] Policing the streets with soldiers who could have been on the front lines was not in the interest of the rebels. On 10 July, general Isidoro attended a meeting of the Commercial Association, where it was decided that the City Hall would organize a Municipal Guard[247][248] and a Supply Commission.[249] The Guard was organized with 981 volunteers, among them more than a hundred students from the Faculty of Law of the University of São Paulo, the "Academic Brigade".[250] These measures alleviated the problem of looting.[251] Formal power rested with the mayor, but the most important decisions came to be taken at Association meetings.[252] Its president, José Carlos de Macedo Soares, developed a cordial relationship with general Isidoro and took on a leading role among "citizens in good standing",[8] who for Justice performed "services to the community, performing functions essential to the maintenance of order, in the absence of legally constituted authorities".[82] Another important example in this group was Júlio de Mesquita. He was critical of the Paulista Republican Party,[8] but his collaboration and that of other representatives of the elite, much criticized by more loyalist elements such as vice-mayor Luiz de Queirós, did not mean joining the revolt.[245] On 11 July, the Board of the Association of Banks discussed with general Isidoro the extension of the holidays. There was no financial break; financial operations were not under the control of the rebels, who allowed bankers to negotiate with the federal government. The industrialists and traders also wanted a moratorium, which would consist of extending the deadlines for paying off bank commitments, but this measure was only granted after the end of the conflict. The concern was the difficulty of paying wages to workers, which could result in disturbances.[253] The scarcity of money was partly overcome by the circulation of bonds issued in the name of the revolution.[254] Workers Armored car manufactured for the rebels The participation of workers in the revolt, in different forms, was remarkable.[255] At least 102 railroad workers collaborated with the rebels' logistics in the interior.[256] In the railway workshops in São Paulo, other workers, directed by foreign technicians, improvised bombs, grenades, armored cars and even an armored train.[257][258][259] After 20 July,[260] up to 750 immigrants enlisted in the revolutionary army, forming three foreign battalions (German, Hungarian, and Italian).[261] The volunteers were mostly factory workers who had lost their wages due to the shutdown of factories. Some were World War I veterans with valuable experience for the war in São Paulo.[260] Foreign "mercenaries" were one of the most controversial elements of the revolt;[262] the loyalist press labeled them a threat to the Brazilian population and associated them with the immigrants' reputation in Brazil for political radicalism.[263] In general, workers joined in an improvised way, as simple residents and not as members of class organizations.[264][265] Some rallies called outside the working class tried to mobilize this segment of the population,[266] which, in turn, tried to include their agendas in the demands of the revolt.[267] In organized civil society, the greatest support, even if only moral,[268] came from guilds, unions, and associations dominated by anarchists and libertarian socialists in São Paulo and Rio de Janeiro. On 15 July, some of these militants pleaded for their sympathy in a "Motion by workers' militants to the Revolutionary Forces Committee", noting that the rebels' manifesto had given guarantees for the demands of the population.[177][269] In Rio de Janeiro, the typography of Antônio Canellas, former leader of the Brazilian Communist Party, published the pro-revolt newspaper O 5 de Julho.[87] Fears of revolution In a Matarazzo factory, the "annihilation of the industrial power of S. Paulo", foreshadowing a revolution, according to José Carlos de Macedo Soares[270] The war worsened the workers' living conditions, and the tenentists' political program did not offer demands such as the minimum wage and the eight-hour day.[266] Anarchists admitted not having the revolution they dreamed of, but they saw revolutionary potential in the process. Its objective would be "a revolution as close to ours as possible", in the words of the newspaper A Plebe, which treated the looting and flight of the elite "fearing a popular revenge" with optimism. Orators encouraging looting, and volunteering in the revolutionary army, would also be indications of this potential.[177] In 1925, the communists also considered the possibility of co-opting the tenentists' revolution,[271] but during the revolt in São Paulo, they still opted for prudence, neither supporting nor criticizing the movement.[269] On the other side of the conflict, radicalization to the point of a revolution like the one that took place in Russia in 1917 was feared by the federal government, aware of the history of labor conflicts in São Paulo.[272] Within the city, social unrest, not just immediate damage, was what motivated the Commercial Association to maintain order and minimize the damage of war.[273] In the words of Macedo Soares, "the workers are already agitating and the Bolshevik aspirations are openly manifested. It will certainly be attempted later by those without work to subvert the social order".[157][274] For this reason, the Commercial Association and other representatives of the elite demanded that the federal government suspend the bombing, and at the same time, warded off the tenentist leadership from the workers' movements, warning about subversion and civil war.[275][276] Under pressure, the leaders were divided. The involvement of wealthy civilians was welcome, while that of blue-collar workers was controversial; Isidoro was more conservative in this regard, and Miguel Costa was less so. As soldiers, the tenentists were part of an institution of state repression, and workers' involvement distorted what they understood as order. A more elitist tendency prevailed, and the movement paid more attention to merchants and political authorities than to workers' representatives.[277][278][279] In the desired "revolution with order",[280] the people's support could only come in favor of its political project in specific, or at least, without interfering in it. Therefore, recruiting foreign battalions was not a problem, but when the anarchists offered to form autonomous battalions, without military discipline and interference, they were refused by general Isidoro. According to lieutenant Nelson Tabajara de Oliveira, "this would distort the original motive of the movement"; "therefore, they were not interested in the presence of leftists in the fighting cadres, even if they came to reinforce the revolution".[177][279] Earlier, in planning the uprising, the Communists had offered to organize guerrilla warfare, and were similarly rebuffed.[281] Later in 1924, the communist Octávio Brandão blamed this attitude for the defeat, classifying it as petty-bourgeois, positivist and narrow-minded.[278] Degree of popular support Off duty volunteer between two rebel soldiers It was included in the plans for the revolt that "the people's material and, above all, moral support for the revolution is a very important factor for victory".[282] Although tenentism is considered primarily a military movement, civilian involvement in the revolt was extensive. Civilians accounted for 61% of those indicted in court for participating in the movement, against 29% of military personnel from the army and 9% from the Public Force.[283] Among them were many elements of the middle class, such as teachers, students, shopkeepers, and officials.[284] Aside from these active participants, observers' opinions varied widely, ranging from approval to outright condemnation.[285] In the secondary literature, some sources present popular reaction as uncooperative or enthusiastic,[198][286] with minimal adhesions to the rebellion.[287] Others describe popular support,[288][214][289][290] and even an increasing mass participation.[280] Reasons cited for the lack of support include the leadership's own lack of interest in negotiating with the proletariat,[287] and the need to requisition food from the population.[198] For the contrary thesis, the revolt attracted all sectors distressed by the political and economic situation,[291] convincing by ideological affinities and the moralizing character of the movement.[284] Loyalist bombing created antipathy to federal authorities.[292] Supporting evidence is found in the declarations to Justice after the revolt,[284] and in several accounts of fraternization in the trenches.[293][290] According to shoemaker Pedro Catalo, "in any house that these soldiers asked for food, coffee or other emergency favors, they were met with sympathy and enthusiasm".[280] There were even songs played in violas caipira praising Isidoro.[294] In July, Macedo Soares assessed that the population "bitterly compares the generous treatment it has received from the revolutionaries with the useless inhumanity of the uninterrupted bombing".[270] Monteiro Lobato wrote in August that "the state of mind of the Brazilian people is one of frank revolt", and the proof of this would be Carlos de Campos: "a government falls completely, destroyed in all its parts, and no one appears to defend it".[295][296] In an open letter to the governor, he and other prominent people from São Paulo, including figures from the PRP, warned that "legalism does not exist in private", and civil servants, merchants, industrialists and academics sympathized with the revolution.[297] Humanitarian measures Cattle slaughter to feed government forces and the population Public charity ensured the subsistence of part of the population.[298] Even before the creation of the Public Supply Commission, the Red Cross, the Nationalist League and other institutions already provided services to the population. The City Commission checked food, fuel and firewood stocks, set prices and organized the transport of food and population to safer areas of the city. The prefecture identified 182 aid stations, where 581,187 meals were distributed.[299] A representative traveled to Santos, but admiral Penido, who commanded the city, vetoed any food purchases.[300] Medical care took place at the Umberto Primo and Samaritano Hospitals, and Santa Casa de Misericórdia.[301] The City Hall's Directorate of Hygiene organized the burials, while the public cleaning sector buried or incinerated the dead animals.[299] While the fires were burning, the Fire Department was dismantled, as its members fought in the loyalist army and, after the withdrawal of the state government, they left the city or remained as prisoners. At the request of Macedo Soares, general Isidoro released these prisoners, and the City Hall managed to reorganize the service on 25 July.[250][302] Nationwide dimension of the conflict Interior of São Paulo Main articles: São Paulo Revolt of 1924 in the interior and Death Column § Mogiana campaign Municipalities of São Paulo with records of revolt or support for the revolt 87 municipalities in São Paulo had a record of revolt, and another 32 had demonstrations of support. Of the municipalities with revolt, in 21 it started with the initiative of civilians. Local political elites, belonging to the Paulista Republican Party, tended to support the government, to the point of organizing patriotic battalions to fight the revolt. But the municipalities were very dependent on the central power, which left them helpless. The opportunity was great for local dissidents, many of whom joined the revolting military. The mayors and delegates of 35 municipalities joined the revolt or were replaced by "governors" appointed by the military.[303][304][305] On 9 July, the rebels already controlled Itu, Jundiaí, Rio Claro and Campinas; the first three municipalities were dominated by local army units when they joined the revolt.[306] By itself, Campinas already had great value as a railway junction and economic base.[307] Alderman Álvaro Ribeiro, head of the municipal opposition, was appointed governor of the city and given authority to intervene in others.[308] Júlio Prestes (in the middle, in a suit), one of the loyalists from the interior, among the officers of the patriotic battalions Three loyalist brigades were sent to cut the rebels' rearguard: general Azevedo Costa came from Paraná, João Nepomuceno da Costa from Mato Grosso, and Martins Pereira from Minas Gerais. In response, on 17–19 July the revolutionary command sent three detachments to the Sorocabana, Mogiana, Paulista and Noroeste railways.[309] In addition to these three, smaller groups of sergeants and civilian allies occupied several municipalities.[310] At the end of the month, the rebels occupied the triangle between São Paulo, Campinas and Sorocaba, as well as a cone towards Bauru and Araraquara.[309] The most valuable objective was Bauru, an almost obligatory railway junction on the way to Mato Grosso, and where there was also strong local opposition.[311] On 18 July, the city was occupied by captain Muniz Guimarães and his improvised column, made up of volunteers enlisted along the way. There were no exhausting fights. 300 soldiers from the Public Force could have defended the city, but they had been sent away amid panic and rumors about Carlos de Campos leaving the center of the capital.[312] The Mato Grosso brigade, which could also have defended Bauru, would only arrive the following month, delayed by the precariousness of mobilization and the revolutionary sympathies of the officers.[313][314][315] Inland railway control At Mogiana, lieutenant João Cabanas led an initial force of 95 men against general Martins Pereira's nearly 800 regulars.[316] But the loyalists spread their forces too thinly and acted passively, while Cabanas had an experienced troop, which they kept focused and constantly on the move, using psychological warfare to mislead the opponent as to their direction and manpower.[317][318] His contingent, which was nicknamed the "Death Column", was victorious in Mogi Mirim, on the 23rd, and Espírito Santo do Pinhal, on the 26th, frustrating Martins Pereira's intention to advance against Campinas.[319] Only in Sorocabana were the loyalists victorious. Captain Francisco Bastos left the rebels in a defense of position, giving the loyalists plenty of time to organize.[320] General Azevedo Costa was reinforced at Itapetininga by three patriotic battalions organized by Fernando Prestes. On 19 July, he organized the Southern Operations Column or Southern Column, with which he sent a vanguard to Itu and another to São Paulo. En route to São Paulo, the second vanguard defeated strong resistance at Pantojo and Mairinque on 26–27 July.[321][322] Parallel uprisings Main article: Rio Grande do Sul Revolt of 1924 The national dimension of the 1924 uprisings and the mobilization of federal and state troops The São Paulo revolt was the propagating focus of a series of tenentist uprisings in other regions of Brazil,[323] collectively referred to as the "1924 uprisings"[n] or "1924 revolts".[324][325] Each had its own particularities.[326] These were not, however, the support expected by the São Paulo conspirators, but few, dispersed and unsuccessful outbreaks of rebellion.[327] The parallel uprisings were the way to divert government reinforcements on their way to São Paulo, relieving pressure on the São Paulo rebels.[328] Several battalions of caçadores from the current North and Northeast regions received orders to embark for Rio de Janeiro, but only the 19th, from Salvador, got to fight in São Paulo.[o] The 20th, 21st, 22nd and 28th, respectively from Maceió, Recife, Paraíba (now João Pessoa) and Aracaju, were preparing to embark when the 28th rebelled on 13 July, and the others were redirected to fight it in Sergipe.[329] On the same day, the order to board the 24th, 25th and 26th, respectively from São Luís, Teresina and Belém, was cancelled.[330] New embarkation arrangements were made with the 26th and 27th, from Manaus, but these also rebelled, respectively, on the 26th and 23rd of July.[331] An uprising in Pará quickly failed in combat with the State Military Brigade.[332] The Sergipe and Amazonian uprisings went further than the São Paulo one, installing new state governments.[333][334] Both movements were defeated in August, after the loyalist victory in the city of São Paulo.[335][336] In the case of Amazonas, the federal government had to send 2,700 soldiers to the North,[337] from battalions in the Northeast, Espírito Santo and Rio de Janeiro.[p] Only in Mato Grosso did the plans of the conspiracy in São Paulo have a concrete result. The commander of the 1st Mixed Brigade himself, lieutenant colonel Ciro Daltro, may have delayed the movement to São Paulo to benefit the rebels. On 12 July, the 10th Independent Cavalry Regiment, in Bela Vista, revolted, but it was contained by the unit's sergeants.[338] Loyalist victory in São Paulo The fighting in the city of São Paulo lasted until the night of 27 July, when the rebels withdrew by train towards the interior. In Isidoro's assessment, it would still have been possible to resist for another ten or fifteen days inside the city.[339] Last combats Main article: Urban combat in the São Paulo Revolt of 1924 § Conquest of the redoubts Assault Car Company parade Each side resorted to novelties in military technology. Loyalist Military Aviation began flying over the city on 19 July. It operated little, but its bombings had a psychological impact. Naval Aviation stayed with the fleet in Santos. The rebels used requisitioned civilian planes, but only for reconnaissance and propaganda distribution.[340][341] The Assault Car Company, with eleven Renault FT-17s, attacked the rebels in Belenzinho from the 23 July; there are reports of initial success, later mitigated by the lack of infantry support for these tanks.[342] Brazil's first attempt to build armor took place in workshops in rebel territory, but the resulting two cars were too heavy to move.[343] There was more success with an armored train, used in raids on loyalist positions in Central do Brasil until 26 July, when it was derailed by an artillery ambush.[344] On the São Paulo Railway, the Navy improvised a railway artillery with cannons from the ships.[345] Loyalist offensives until the rebels' withdraw On 23 July, after days of intense combat, the loyalists captured two strongholds in the enemy defense, Largo do Cambuci and the Antarctica Factory, in Mooca; on the other hand, the offensive at Vila Mariana was defeated.[346][287] The general loyalist offensive was resumed on 25 July, when the Military Brigade of Rio Grande do Sul approached another redoubt, Cotonifício Crespi.[347] The following day, the Public Force of Minas Gerais dominated the Hipódromo da Mooca, and on the next the Central do Brasil warehouse, already preparing to occupy the North Station.[348] In Brás, Cambuci and Liberdade, the defensive sectors retreated.[349] On 26 July, loyalist planes distributed bulletins from the Ministry of War over the city urging the population to leave the city as "to spare themselves the effects of military operations, which, in a few days, will be carried out". The mood of panic increased; in the interpretation of Macedo Soares, that was "the threat of a general bombardment, of complete destruction of the city, indistinct, without respite, over the built area". Even worse, for him, the 400,000 inhabitants left in the city had no way to get out.[224][350] Negotiation attempts Further information: Bombing of São Paulo § Requests to stop the bombing Since the start of the loyalist bombing, welfare institutions, representatives of merchants and industrialists, and foreign diplomats had tried to negotiate a ceasefire. This intervention had humanitarian motives and, equally, interests at stake.[351][352] On 12 July, Macedo Soares, Júlio Mesquita, Dom Duarte Leopoldo e Silva, the Archbishop of São Paulo, and Vergueiro Steidel, president of the Nationalist League, sent the following telegram to the President of Brazil:[353] We ask Your Excellency for charitable intervention to stop the bombardment against the defenseless city of S. Paulo, since the revolutionary forces agreed not to use their cannons to the detriment of the city. The commission does not have any political intention but exclusively compassion for the population of São Paulo. Minister of War Setembrino de Carvalho replied that the moral damage caused by the revolt was much worse than the material damage to the city. He proposed that the rebels spare the population, leaving the city to fight in the open.[214][354] Another response came from general Sócrates, when asked by the consuls of Portugal, Italy, and Spain: he would spare the civilian areas, as long as the rebels indicated where their troops were.[191][355] On 16 July, Macedo Soares communicated with general Noronha, a prisoner of the rebels, asking him to intercede with the president. The general agreed to be a go-between for an armistice and the next day he read Isidoro's demands. The first: "immediate handover of the Federal Government to a provisional government composed of national names of recognized probity and confidence of the revolutionaries. Example: Dr. Venceslau Brás". Noronha dismissed it completely; the resignation of Artur Bernardes, under these conditions, would be for him a "blow to national sovereignty by the edge of bayonets".[356] In a new proposal on 27 July, the rebels, already on the verge of being defeated, had a single demand, amnesty for the rebels of 1922 and 1924.[357] Macedo Soares wrote a letter to general Sócrates, arguing that "the victory of any of the fighting parties, if it is not immediate, will no longer save the State of S. Paulo and, therefore, Brazil, from the most desolate ruin". For him, the danger of social unrest was more serious than military rebellion, and so he requested a 48-hour armistice so that Abílio de Noronha could negotiate. Journalist Paulo Duarte delivered the letter in Guaiaúna, where it was read by Carlos de Campos. The governor, irritated, accused the negotiators of making common cause with the rebels and promised to increase the bombings.[358][359] Rebel withdrawal from the city Further information: Urban combat in the São Paulo Revolt of 1924 § Withdrawal of the rebels General Potiguara arriving at the Government Palace On 27 July, the revolutionary high command took an unforeseen decision, but which seemed to be the only way to prolong the movement: withdraw the army from São Paulo, waging a war of movement in the interior.[360][361] In Mato Grosso, they still hoped to reinforce the movement with local sympathizers, or, at worst, to go into exile in Paraguay or Bolivia.[362] The only road to Campinas was about to be cut, which would trap movement within the capital.[363][364] The fighting in the capital would only result in the destruction of the rebels themselves and the population.[46] The negotiations were a failure,[365] and the only possibility of victory would be with the outbreak of uprisings in Rio de Janeiro and Minas Gerais. The fighters were worn out, many of them wounded;[366] there are conflicting reports about troop morale.[q] Pressure from the loyalist division was supposed to lock the rebels in combat, preventing a retreat, which is a laborious and risky military operation. The shipment of ordnance began at 14:00, but the troops withdrew at night, and the loyalists had no night patrols or contact with enemy infantry. The revolutionary army escaped largely intact, with all its supplies; only a few elements of the southern detachment were left behind. The loyalists did not realize the withdrawal until the morning of 28 July. In Jundiaí, the South Column cut the road to Campinas at noon, but at 07:00 the last train had passed through Itirapina. A day's difference would have prevented the escape.[367][368][369] Eduardo Sócrates, Carlos de Campos and other authorities on the balcony of the Campos Elíseos Palace At 10:00 on the 28th, Carlos de Campos resumed his office at the Campos Elíseos Palace.[370] The evacuation of the city was celebrated with fanfare and military parades through the downtown streets.[371] According to Macedo Soares, the population received them coldly;[372] Monteiro Lobato compared the loyalist parades with the "German army entering Paris".[296] Several newspapers criticized the behavior of soldiers during the reoccupation,[373] and the anarchist press accused the occurrence of rapes.[374] There are reports of looting of commercial stores by soldiers from the Public Forces of Rio de Janeiro and Minas Gerais.[375] Due to these accusations, the Public Force of Minas Gerais expelled 17 soldiers, but incorporated them again when an investigation concluded that they were innocent or inculpable.[376] By the beginning of August, industries and services were back in business, numerous workers were clearing the rubble and the damaged buildings were being rebuilt. Scouts looked for corpses buried in backyards, squares and gardens, and families from the countryside, out of curiosity, visited the abandoned trenches.[377] Continuation of the revolt The rebels of 1924 went much further than those of 1922,[289] and the movements started in 1924 dragged on until 1927, as part of the Miguel Costa-Prestes Column.[378] But in this flight to the interior, the lieutenants distanced themselves from Rio de Janeiro, which they never managed to threaten.[50] From São Paulo to the Paraná River Main article: São Paulo Revolt of 1924 in the interior § Withdrawal from São Paulo Bridge over the Pardo River, dynamited by the Death Column and restored by engineers of the Southern Column The revolutionary army arrived in Bauru on 28 July, where it was reorganized into three brigades commanded by Bernardo de Araújo Padilha, Olinto Mesquita de Vasconcelos and Miguel Costa.[379] The passage of the Noroeste Railroad to Mato Grosso, in Três Lagoas, was already barred by the loyalists, leaving the Sorocabana branch as the only option, which, passing through Botucatu, led to Presidente Epitácio.[369] A detachment was sent to Araçatuba, in the Northwest, to delay the Mato Grosso brigade. The battalions of Juarez Távora and João Cabanas were defending the rear during the passage through Botucatu, when they were attacked at the top of the mountain range by the loyalist vanguard. General Malan d'Angrogne recorded heavy losses on the defenders (73 prisoners), but they ensured the escape of the bulk of their army.[380] The rebel vanguard stopped in Assis on 5 August, when a ceremony celebrated one month of the revolt and the newspaper O Libertador was published.[381] The following day it occupied Porto Tibiriçá, in Presidente Epitácio, on the banks of the Paraná River, imprisoning several vessels and a small loyalist contingent.[382] Rearguard actions would still take 42 days along the 1,200 kilometers of road, on which several battles were still fought against loyalist columns of persecution, notably in Santo Anastácio. This mission fell to the "Death Column", which systematically destroyed the railway infrastructure on the way to delay the loyalist advance. This was a military necessity, but created controversy in the press.[383] João Cabanas became famous and infamous, being accused of numerous depredations, threats and murders in the police investigation of the rebellion. Cabanas, in his writings, prided himself on the terror his name created in his opponents, but claimed to have harshly punished, even with shootings, crime among soldiers.[384] Battle of Três Lagoas On July 24, 1924, on the anniversary of the Copacabana Revolt of 1922, cadets and young officers in São Paulo attempted to instigate a military coup. The rebellious tenentes (junior army officers, literally lieutenants) managed to hold São Paulo for eighteen days. However, by July 27th, as pro-government military planes began air strikes on São Paulo, the rebels considered a strategic withdrawal to the interior of Brazil. Under the direction of Juarez Tavora, as many as 3000 men retreated from São Paulo into the interior of Parana. After reaching the Iguacu Falls near the Argentine-Paraguay border, Tavara left the men encamped and went south to Rio Grande do Sul to help ignite a tenente uprising there. By October 1924, forces under the leadership of Luis Carlos Prestes managed to instigate fighting in the chronic powder keg of Rio Grande do Sul. Failing to win significant support, Prestes with about 2000 men, eventually retreated toward Argentine border. Early in November 1924, the Brazilian battleship São Paulo became involved in the unrest when her crew mutinied while lying at anchor off Rio de Janeiro. Some ineffectual firing took place but the mutinous ship failed to persuade any but an elderly torpedo-boat to hoist the Red Flag with her and eventually sailed, briefly engaging the harbor defenses as she did so. The intention was to liberate the lieutenants imprisoned in the prison ship Cuiaba at Ilha Grande after the Copacabana Revolt of 1922. Unsuccessful in this, the mutineers made for Montevideo, Uruguay, where they arrived on November 10, 1924; the mutineers fled and the ship re-hoisted her colors. Meanwhile, after two months on the move, the Rio Grande do Sol rebels, led by Prestes, marched northward. In March/April of 1925, with roughly half the force he started with, he joined the remnants of the São Paulo rebels, encamped in Parana. At this point the revolutionaries numbered about 1500. Captain Prestes took command and his troops set out on a two-and-a-half-year, 15,000 mile, thirteen-state march that would become known as Prestes Column. The goal of Prestes Column was to inspire others to rise up against the government. While they raised a lot of sympathy and focused attention on the situation in the interior, they did not find people there ready for revolt. The impoverished "backlanders" who were expected to side with the revolutionaries were unwilling. Occasional poor treatment of the backlanders by members of Prestes Column fueled their hostility. Mercenaries, the Cangaceiros, were enlisted in the effort to defeat Prestes Column and there were some bloody clashes. Eventually, Prestes Column withdrew from the Northeast because of the resistance they encountered. They fought a total of fifty battles and skirmishes before going into exile. Prestes was never totally defeated. However, on February 26, 1927, the main body of men, numbering 620 at the time, crossed into Bolivia and laid down their arms. About a month later, the remnants of the rebel force, 66 men, crossed into Paraguay. Once the revolt ended, the Brazilian press glorified Prestes Column. The tenente leaders, Siqueira Campos, Joao Alberto Lins de Barros, Djalma Dutra, Oswaldo Cordeiro do Farias and especially Luis Carlos Prestes became folk heroes. Some of the tenentes who had marched with Prestes returned to Brazil, and many of them joined the movement that eventually produced the revolution of 1930.
  • Condition: Used
  • Type: Photograph
  • Year of Production: 1924
  • Original/Licensed Reprint: Original
  • Country/Region of Manufacture: United States
  • Subject: Railroad

PicClick Insights - BRAZIL VINTAGE ORIGINAL PHOTO RAILROAD REVOLUTION São Paulo Revolt 1924 crash PicClick Exclusive

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