Prince Syria 1945 Press Photo Vintage Levantine 7X9 Inches Washington D.c.

$163.06 Buy It Now 19d 22h, $28.16 Shipping, 14-Day Returns, eBay Money Back Guarantee

Seller: rsaigal (666) 100%, Location: Ann Arbor, Michigan, Ships to: US & many other countries, Item: 173894196308 AN ORIGINAL 1945 PRESS PHOTO OF SYRIAN PRINCES IN WASHINGTON, D.C. SYRIAN PRINCES VISIT STATE DEPARTMENT. WASHINGTON, D.C. - THREE SYRIAN PRINCES CALLED ON ACTING SECRETARY OF STATEJOSEPH C. GREW AND EXPRESSED APPRECIATION FOR THE U.S.'S STAND IN THE RECENT LEVANTINE DISPUTE INVOLVING FRANCE, SYRIA, AND LEBANON. PICTURED HERE AS THEY LEAVE THE STATE DEPARTMENT ARE; LEFT TO RIGHT: ALI EL ATRASH; FAOUR EL FAOUR, AND FAWWAZ SHAALAN 6/26/45 The Army of the Levant (French: Armée du Levant) identifies the armed forces of France and then Vichy France which occupied, and were in part recruited from, a portion of the "Levant" during the interwar period and early World War II. The locally recruited Syrian, Lebanese, Circassian, Kurdish and Druze units of this force were designated as the Special Troops of the Levant (Troupes Speciales du Levant). Contents1Origins2Inter-war period2.1Army2.2Auxiliaries2.3Naval3Uniforms and insignia4Army of the Levant during World War II4.1French command4.2French Army4.3French Air Forces4.4French Naval Forces5Polish Brigade6End of French rule7See also8References9Footnotes10External linksOrigins French General Henri Gouraud on horseback inspecting French colonial troops at Maysalun.In September 1919, Lloyd George and Georges Clemenceau entered an agreement to replace the British troops occupying Cilicia by a French force. The first elements of this new army came from the former 156th Infantry Division (French: 156ème Division d’Infanterie) of the Allied Army of the Orient, under general Julien Dufieux command. This division de Cilicie included a metropolitan regiment, the 412th Infantry Regiment (French: 412ème Régiment d'Infanterie), a colonial régiment, the 17th Senegalese Trailleurs Regiment (French: 17ème Régiment de tirailleurs sénégalais), a French Armenian Legion regiment and the 18th Algerian Tirailleurs Regiment (French: 18ème régiment de Tirailleurs Algériens). In 1920 this division became the first of four Divisions of the Levant. In 1920, the French were given a mandate over Syria and Lebanon by the League of Nations. During this period Syria was known as the French Mandate of Syria and Lebanon was known as the French Mandate of Lebanon. From 19 April to 26 April 1920 the San Remo Conference was held in Sanremo, Italy. After this conference was concluded, the short-lived monarchy of King Faisal's was defeated at the Battle of Maysalun by French troops under the command of General Mariano Goybet, during the Franco-Syrian War. The French army under General Henri Gouraud then occupied the Mandate of Syria and the Mandate of Lebanon. A force called the Syrian Legion was raised by the French authorities shortly after the establishment of the two mandates. This comprised both cavalry and infantry units and was drawn mainly from minority groups within Syria itself. Inter-war periodFollowing the Druze revolt of 1925-1927, the Syrian Legion was reorganized into the "Special Troops of the Levant" (French: Troupes Speciales du Levant) augmented by North African infantry (tirailleurs) and cavalry (spahis), French Foreign Legion (French: Légion étrangère), and Colonial Infantry/Artillery units (both French and Senegalese). The whole force constituted the Army of the Levant and was responsible for keeping order in both French mandates during the interwar period. Circassian cavalry of the Army of the Levant with their commander Colonel Philibert Collet.[1]ArmyThe French Mandate Administration followed a principle of divide and rule in organising the Troupes Speciales. To a large extent the Sunni Muslim Arabs, who made up about 65% of the population of Syria, were excluded from service with the Troupes Speciales, who were drawn mainly from the Druze, Christian, Circassian and ‘Alawi minorities. During the period from 1926 to 1939, the Army of the Levant included between 10,000 and 12,000 locally engaged troops organized into: ten battalions of infantry (mostly ‘Alawis), four squadrons of cavalry (Druze, Circassian and mixed Syrian), three companies of camel corps (méharistes), engineer, armoured car, and support units. In addition, there were 9 companies of Lebanese light infantry (chasseurs libanais) and 22 squadrons of Druze, Circassian, and Kurdish mounted infantry forming the auxiliary troops (Troupes Supplementaires). This latter force provided a form of military police (gendarmerie) for internal security purposes and were primarily deployed in the areas of their recruitment. Some of the Lebanese units were trained as ski troops for mountain service and wore the berets of the French elite mountain infantry (Chasseurs Alpins). The Circassian cavalry (Groupement d' Escadrons Tcherkess) originated with Muslim refugees from the northern Caucasus region, who fled Tsarist Russian expansion during the nineteenth century. An estimated 850,000 sought refuge in the Ottoman Empire, of whom 30,000 were settled in Syria where they were employed in frontier regions as mounted tribal irregulars. From this role they passed into French service after 1920.[2] By 1938, the Troupes Speciales numbered 10,000, with 306 officers of whom only 88 were French. A military academy (École Militaire) was established at Homs to train Syrian and Lebanese officers and specialist non-commissioned officers (NCOs). French policy continued to favour the recruitment of specific ethnic and religious minority groups. General Huntziger, the military commander in Syria, stated in 1935: "we mustn't forget that the Alawis and Druzes are the only warlike races in our mandate and make first-rate soldiers among whom we recruit our best Troupes Speciales".[3] AuxiliariesAs noted above locally recruited auxiliary troops (Troupes Supplementaires) were deployed for domestic security purposes in specific regions (Grand Liban, Aleppo and Damascus). These included units of gendarmerie, mobile guards and rural guards. NavalWhen Admiral Henri du Couëdic de Kerérant took command in June 1924, the Naval Division of the Levant (DNL) was mainly composed of the command ship, the armored cruiser Waldeck-Rousseau, three armed warships, Bethune, Baccarat and Mondement and two gunboats Agile and Dedaigneuse. The Waldeck-Rousseau was to be recalled in France at the end of the year to be disarmed, due to budgetary restrictions. It will not be replaced, but a number of other ships, including the "Jeanne d'Arc" will compensate for this decrease in French presence in the Levant. The Levant naval division's area of operation included the eastern Mediterranean, the Marmara Sea and the Straits, as well as the Black Sea, the Red Sea and the Gulf of Aden (aviso Diana.) A Naval Commander heads land services in Beirut; reporting,in peacetime, to the Admiral commanding the Naval division of the Levant and, in wartime, to the High Commissioner Uniforms and insigniaUniforms of the Troupes Speciales varied according to arm of service but showed a mixture of French and Levantine influences. Indigenous personnel wore either the keffiyeh headdress (red for Druze and white for other units), fezzes or turbans. The Circassian mounted troops wore a black full dress that closely resembled that of the Caucasian Cossacks, complete with astrakhan hats (see photograph above). A common feature across the Troupes Speciales was the use of "violette" (purple-red) as a facing colour on tunic collar patches, belts and kepis. Squadron or branch insignia often included regional landmarks such as the cedars of Lebanon or the main mosque of Damascus. Army of the Levant during World War IIOn 22 June, after the Fall of France, the forces in the Levant sided with the Vichy Government of Marshal Philippe Pétain. In 1941, British Commonwealth, Free French and other Allied forces launched "Operation Exporter," the Syria-Lebanon Campaign. They attacked the Army of the Levant from the British Mandate of Palestine and from the Kingdom of Iraq, recently occupied during the Anglo-Iraqi War. On 8 June 1941 at 2 am, British, Australian, and Free French forces crossed into Syria and Lebanon. French commandDuring "Operation Exporter," the Army of the Levant was commanded by General Henri Dentz. Dentz was also the High Commissioner of the Levant. Lieutenant-General Joseph-Antoine-Sylvain-Raoul de Verdillac was second in command at the time of the British invasion. French ArmyMain article: French ArmyIn 1941 the Army of the Levant was still divided into troops from Metropolitan France, colonial troops, and the "Special Troops of the Levant" (French: Troupes Speciales du Levant).[4] The regular French troops consisted of four battalions of the 6th Foreign Infantry Regiment 6e REI (according to Dentz, these were the best troops available to the Vichy French command) and three battalions of the 24th Colonial Infantry Regiment (French regulars enlisted for overseas service). The latter were brought up to strength by amalgamating them with two garrison battalions of Senegalese troops to form the "Mixed Colonial Regiment" (Regiment Mixte Coloniale).[4] The Troupes Speciales were formed by 11 battalions of infantry: three Lebanese Light Infantry Battalions (French: Bataillons de Chasseurs Libanais) and eight Syrian battalions (bataillons de Levant). In addition, there were two artillery groups and supporting units. The "special troops" included at least 5,000 cavalry organized in squadrons of around 100 men each. Included in the cavalry force were 15 squadrons of Circassian cavalry of which three were motorized. The Troupes Speciales were led by indigenous officers and non-commissioned officers with a small cadre of French officers.[4] The African troops comprised six Algerian, three Tunisian, three Senegalese, and one Moroccan rifle (tirailleur) battalions.[4] The contingent of North African cavalry consisted of the 4th Tunisian, the 1st Moroccan, and the 8th Algerian Spahis and amounted to about 7,000 men. Most were on horseback or in light trucks, while a few were equipped with armored cars. There was also a mechanized cavalry element provided by the 6th and 7th "African Light Horse" (Chasseurs d' Afrique) which totalled 90 tanks (mostly Renault R-35 with a few Renault FTs) and a similar number of armored cars.[5] The artillery available to the Vichy French consisted of 120 field and medium guns and numbered about 6,700 men.[5] French Air ForcesMain article: French Air ForceThe Vichy French Air Force (French: Armée de l'Air de Vichy) of the French Air Force in the Levant was relatively strong at the outbreak of hostilities in 1939. But, in 1940, many of the aircraft stationed in Syria and Lebanon were sent back to Metropolitan France. This left the Vichy French in the Levant with only a number of obsolete models. However, alarmed by the growing threat of British invasion, a fighter group was dispatched from Algeria before the invasion. Once the fighting started, three additional groups were flown from France and from North Africa. This brought the strength of the Vichy French air force in Lebanon and Syria up to 289 aircraft, including about 35 state-of-the-art Dewoitine D.520 fighters and some new, US-built Glenn Martin 167 light bombers. This initially gave the Vichy French an edge over the Allied air units. But the loss of Vichy French aircraft was very high: 179 aircraft were lost during the campaign, most having been destroyed on the ground.[6] French Naval ForcesMain article: French NavyTwo destroyers and three submarines of the French Navy (Marine Nationale) were available to support the Vichy forces in the Levant. Polish BrigadeOn 12 April 1940, after the invasion and fall of Poland, the Polish Independent Carpathian Rifle Brigade was formed from Polish exiles in the Levant. While not part of the Army of the Levant, the brigade specialized in mountain warfare and was to be the Polish addition to Allied plans for landings in the Balkans. On 30 June, the brigade was transported to Palestine. End of French ruleFollowing the Vichy defeat in 1941, the French and African components of the Army of the Levant were for the most part repatriated to their territories of origin. A minority (including some Lebanese and Syrians) took the opportunity to join the Free French Forces. Free French General Georges Catroux took control of Syria after the defeat of the Vichy French. On 26 November 1941, shortly after taking up this post, Catroux recognised the independence of Lebanon and Syria in the name of Free France. Even so, a period of military occupation followed. On 8 November 1943, after elections, Lebanon became an independent state. On 27 February 1945, Lebanon declared war on Nazi Germany and the Empire of Japan. On 1 January 1944, Syria followed Lebanon and also became an independent state. On 26 February 1945, Syria declared war on Nazi Germany and the Empire of Japan. The Troupes Spéciales had remained in existence during the military occupation, still under French authority until August 1945. Most then transferred to the new Syrian Army. The founders of the post-independence Lebanese Army also trained as officers in the Troupes Spéciales.[7] See alsoTomb of the Unknown Soldier (Lebanon)1936 Syrian general strikeLeague of NationsPartitioning of the Ottoman EmpireSyria-Lebanon CampaignLevant CrisisVichy French Air ForceArmy of Africa (France)French Colonial ForcesHistory of the Armée de l'Air (1909–1942)History of the Armée de l'Air (colonial presence 1939–1962)French colonial flagsFrench Colonial EmpireList of French possessions and coloniesReferences The Mandate for Syria and the Lebanon (French: Mandat pour la Syrie et le Liban; Arabic: الانتداب الفرنسي على سوريا ولبنان al-intidāb al-fransi 'ala suriya wa-lubnān) (1923−1946)[1] was a League of Nations mandate[2] founded after the First World War and the partitioning of the Ottoman Empire concerning Syria and Lebanon. The mandate system was supposed to differ from colonialism, with the governing country acting as a trustee until the inhabitants would be able to stand on their own. At that point, the mandate would terminate and an independent state would be born.[3] During the two years that followed the end of the war in 1918—and in accordance with the Sykes-Picot Agreement signed by Britain and France during the war—the British held control of most of Ottoman Mesopotamia (modern Iraq) and the southern part of Ottoman Syria (Palestine and Transjordan), while the French controlled the rest of Ottoman Syria, Lebanon, Alexandretta (Hatay) and other portions of southeastern Turkey.[2] In the early 1920s, British and French control of these territories became formalized by the League of Nations' mandate system, and on 29 September 1923 France was assigned the League of Nations mandate of Syria, which included the territory of present-day Lebanon and Alexandretta in addition to Syria proper.[4] The administration of the region under the French was carried out through a number of different governments and territories, including the Syrian Federation (1922–24), the State of Syria (1924–30) and the Syrian Republic (1930–1958), as well as smaller states: the State of Greater Lebanon, the Alawite State and Jabal Druze State. Hatay was annexed by Turkey in 1939. The French mandate lasted until 1943, when two independent countries emerged, Syria and Lebanon. French troops completely left Syria and Lebanon in 1946.[5] Contents1Background2States created during the French Mandate2.1State of Greater Lebanon2.2State of Alawites2.3State of Syria2.3.1Sanjak of Alexandretta2.4State of Jabal Druze3Demands for autonomy not granted by the French Mandate authorities3.1Al-Jazira Province3.2Golan Region4High Commissioners5See also6Notes7Further reading7.1Primary sources7.2Secondary sources8External linksBackgroundMain articles: Occupied Enemy Territory Administration and Arab Kingdom of SyriaWith the defeat of the Ottomans in Syria, British troops, under General Sir Edmund Allenby, entered Damascus in 1918 accompanied by troops of the Arab Revolt led by Faisal, son of Sharif Hussein of Mecca. Faisal established the first new postwar Arab government in Damascus in October 1918,[6] and named Ali Rida Pasha ar-Rikabi a military governor. The "Kingdom of Syria" in 1918The new Arab administration formed local governments in the major Syrian cities, and the pan-Arab flag was raised all over Syria. The Arabs hoped, with faith in earlier British promises, that the new Arab state would include all the Arab lands stretching from Aleppo in northern Syria to Aden in southern Yemen. However, in accordance with the secret Sykes–Picot Agreement between Britain and France,[7] General Allenby assigned to the Arab administration only the interior regions of Syria (the eastern zone). Palestine (the southern zone) was reserved for the British. On 8 October, French troops disembarked in Beirut[8] and occupied the Lebanese coastal region south to Naqoura (the western zone), replacing British troops there. The French immediately dissolved the local Arab governments in the region. The Syrian National Congress in 1919France demanded full implementation of the Sykes–Picot Agreement, with Syria under its control. On 26 November 1919, British forces withdrew from Damascus to avoid confrontation with the French, leaving the Arab government to face France.[9] Faisal had travelled several times to Europe, since November 1918, trying to convince France and Britain to change their positions, but without success. France's determination to intervene in Syria was shown by the naming of General Henri Gouraud as high commissioner in Syria and Cilicia. At the Paris Peace Conference, Faisal found himself in an even weaker position when the European powers decided to ignore the Arab demands. In May 1919, elections were held for the Syrian National Congress, which convened in Damascus. 80% of seats went to conservatives. However, the minority included dynamic Arab nationalist figures such as Jamil Mardam Bey, Shukri al-Kuwatli, Ahmad al-Qadri, Ibrahim Hanano, and Riyad as-Solh. The head was moderate nationalist Hashim al-Atassi. In June 1919, the American King–Crane Commission arrived in Syria to inquire into local public opinion about the future of the country. The commission's remit extended from Aleppo to Beersheba. They visited 36 major cities, met with more than 2,000 delegations from more than 300 villages, and received more than 3,000 petitions. Their conclusions confirmed the opposition of Syrians to the mandate in their country as well as to the Balfour Declaration, and their demand for a unified Greater Syria encompassing Palestine.[10] The conclusions of the commission were rejected by France and ignored by Britain.[citation needed] Seal of the states under French mandate after WWI (among them Syria) around 1925. The text is 'DOUANE DES ÉTATS SOUS MANDAT FRANÇAIS' (Customs of the states under French mandate)Unrest erupted in Syria when Faisal accepted a compromise with French Prime Minister Clemenceau and Zionist leader Chaim Weizmann over the issue of Jewish immigration to Palestine.[11][clarification needed]Anti-Hashemite demonstrations broke out, and Muslim inhabitants in and around Mount Lebanon revolted in fear of being incorporated into a new, mainly Christian, state of Greater Lebanon. A part of France's claim to these territories in the Levant was that France was a protector of the minority Christian communities.[citation needed] In March 1920, the Congress in Damascus adopted a resolution rejecting the Faisal-Clemenceau accords. The congress declared the independence of Syria in her natural borders (including Southern Syria or Palestine), and proclaimed Faisal the king of all Arabs. Faisal invited Ali Rida al-Rikabi to form a government.[12] The congress also proclaimed political and economic union with neighboring Iraq and demanded its independence as well. On 25 April, the supreme inter-Allied council, which was formulating the Treaty of Sèvres, granted France the mandate of Syria (including Lebanon), and granted Britain the Mandate of Palestine (including Jordan), and Iraq. Syrians reacted with violent demonstrations, and a new government headed by Hashim al-Atassi was formed on 7 May 1920.[13] The new government decided to organize general conscription and began forming an army. General Henri Gourard inspecting French colonial troops before the Battle of MaysalunThese decisions provoked adverse reactions by France as well as by the Maronite patriarchate of Mount Lebanon, which denounced the decisions as a "coup d'état".[citation needed] In Beirut, the Christian press expressed its hostility to the decisions of Faisal's government. Lebanese nationalists used the crisis to convene a council of Christian figures in Baabda that proclaimed the independence of Lebanon on 22 March 1920.[14] On 14 July 1920, General Gouraud issued an ultimatum to Faisal, giving him the choice between submission or abdication.[15] Realizing that the power balance was not in his favor, Faisal chose to cooperate. However, the young minister of war, Youssef al-Azmeh, refused to comply. In the resulting Franco-Syrian War, Syrian troops under al-Azmeh, composed of the little remaining troops of the Arab army and Bedouin horsemen and civilian volunteers met the better trained 12,000 strong French forces under General Mariano Goybet at the Battle of Maysaloun. The French won the battle in less than a day and Azmeh died on the battlefield along with many of the Syrian troops,[16] while the remaining troops possibly defected. General Goybet captured Damascus faced with little resistance on 24 July 1920, and the mandate was written in London two years later on 24 July 1922.[3] States created during the French Mandate Bulletin Officiel des Actes Administratifs du Haut Commissariat, 14 May 1930, announcing the constitutions of the states within the French Mandate of Syria and Lebanon Map showing the states of the French Mandate from 1921 to 1922Arriving in Lebanon, the French were received as liberators by the Christian community, but entering Syria, they were faced with strong resistance.[citation needed] The mandate region was subdivided into six states. They were the states of Damascus (1920), Aleppo (1920), Alawites (1920), Jabal Druze (1921), the autonomous Sanjak of Alexandretta (1921, modern-day Hatay), and the State of Greater Lebanon (1920), which became later the modern country of Lebanon. The drawing of those states was based in part on the sectarian makeup on the ground in Syria. However, nearly all the Syrian sects were hostile to the French mandate and to the division it created. This was best demonstrated by the numerous revolts that the French encountered in all of the Syrian states. Maronite Christians of Mount Lebanon, on the other hand, were a community with a dream of independence that was being realized under the French; therefore, Greater Lebanon was the exception among the newly formed states.[citation needed] It took France three years from 1920 to 1923 to gain full control over Syria and to quell all the insurgencies that broke out, notably in the Alawite territories, Mount Druze and Aleppo. Although there were uprisings in the different states, the French deliberately gave different ethnic and religious groups in the Levant their own lands in the hopes of prolonging their rule. The French hoped to focus on fragmenting the various groups in the region, so that the local population would not focus on the larger nationalist movement seeking to end colonial rule. In addition, the administration of the state governments was heavily dominated by the French. Local authorities were given very little power and did not have the authority to independently decide policy. The small amount of power that local leaders had could easily be overruled by French officials. The French did everything in their power to prevent people in the Levant from developing self-sufficient governing bodies. In 1930, France extended their constitution on to Syria.[17][clarification needed] Diagram of states under the mandateState of Greater LebanonMain article: Greater Lebanon 1862 map drawn by the French expedition of Beaufort d'Hautpoul[19] Black dashed line shows the borders of the 1861–1918 Mount Lebanon MutasarrifateThe first map, drawn by the French in 1862, was used as a template for the 1920 borders of Greater Lebanon.[18] The second map shows the borders of the 1861–1918 Mount Lebanon Mutasarrifate, overlaid on a map of modern day Lebanon showing religious groups distributionOn August 3, 1920, Arrêté 299 of the Haut-commissariat de la République française en Syrie et au Liban linked the cazas of Hasbaya, Rachaya, Maallaka and Baalbeck to what was then known as the Autonomous Territory of Lebanon. Then on 31 August 1920, General Gouraud signed Arrêté 318 delimiting the State of Greater Lebanon, with explanatory notes stating that Lebanon would be treated separately from the rest of Syria.[20] On 1 September 1920, General Gouraud publicly proclaimed the creation of the State of Greater Lebanon (French: État du Grand Liban, Arabic: دولة لبنان الكبير ) at a ceremony in Beirut.[21] General Gourard proclaims the creation of the State of Greater LebanonGreater Lebanon was created by France to be a "safe haven" for the Maronite population of the mutasarrifia (Ottoman administrative unit) of Mount Lebanon. Mt. Lebanon, an area with a Maronite majority, had enjoyed varying degrees of autonomy during the Ottoman era. However, in addition to the Maronite Mutasarrifia other, mainly Muslim, regions were added, forming "Greater" Lebanon. Those regions correspond today to North Lebanon, south Lebanon, Biqa' valley, and Beirut.[22] The capital of Greater Lebanon was Beirut. The new state was granted a flag merging the French flag with the cedar of Lebanon.[23] Maronites were the majority in Lebanon and managed to preserve its independence; an independence that created a unique precedent in the Arab world as Lebanon was the first Arab country in which Christians were not a minority. The State of Greater Lebanon existed until 23 May 1926, after which it became the Lebanese Republic.[24] Most Muslims in Greater Lebanon rejected the new state upon its creation. Some believe that the continuous Muslim demand for reunification with Syria eventually brought about an armed conflict between Muslims and Christians in 1958 when Lebanese Muslims wanted to join the newly proclaimed United Arab Republic, while Lebanese Christians were strongly opposed.[25] However, most members of the Lebanese Muslim communities and their political elites were committed to the idea of being Lebanese citizens by the late 1930s, even though they also tended to nurture Arab nationalist sentiments. State of AlawitesMain article: State of AlawitesOn 19 August 1920, General Gouraud signed Arrêté 314 which added to the autonomous sandjak of Alexandretta the cazas of Jisr el-Choughour, the madriyehs of Baher and Bujack (caza of Latakia), the moudiriyeh of Kinsaba (caza of Sahyoun) "with a view to the formation of the territories of Greater Lebanon and the Ansarieh Mountains"; where the "Ansarieh Mountains" area was to become the Alawite State.[26] On 31 August 1920, the same day that the decree creating Greater Lebanon was signed, General Gouraud signed Arrêté 319 delimiting the State of Alawites, and Arrêté 317 adding the caza of Massyaf (Omranie) into the new State.[27][28] A 10-piastre Syrian stamp used in the Alawite State, bearing an overprint overprinted "ALAOUITES"The State of Alawites (French: État des Alaouites, Arabic: دولة العلويين ) was located on the Syrian coast and incorporated a majority of Alawites, a branch of Shia Islam. The port city of Latakia was the capital of this state. Initially it was an autonomous territory under French rule known as the "Alawite Territories". It became part of the Syrian Federation in 1922, but left the federation again in 1924 and became the "State of Alawites". On 22 September 1930, it was renamed the "Independent Government of Latakia".[29] The population at this time was 278,000. The government of Latakia finally joined the Syrian Republic on 5 December 1936. This state witnessed several rebellions against the French, including that of Salih al-Ali (1918-1920). On 28 June 1922 Arrêté 1459 created a "Federation of the Autonomous States of Syria" which included the State of Aleppo, the State of Damascus and the State of the Alawis. However, two and a half years later on 5 December 1924 Arrêté 2979 and Arrêté 2980 establishing the Alawite State as an independent state with Latakia as its capital, and separately unified the States of Aleppo and Damascus as from 1 January 1925 into a single State, renamed "d'État de Syrie" ("State of Syria"). In 1936, both Jebel Druze and the Alawite State were incorporated into the State of Syria.[30] State of SyriaMain articles: State of Aleppo, State of Damascus, and State of Syria General Gouraud crossing through al-Khandaq street on 13 September 1920, AleppoOn 1 September 1920, the day after the creation of Greater Lebanon and the Alawite State, Arrêté 330 separated out of the previous "Gouvernement de Damas" ("Government of Damascus") an independent government known as the "Gouvernement d'Alep" ("Government of Aleppo"), including the autonomous sandjak of Alexandretta, which retained its administrative autonomy.[31] The terms "Gouvernement d'Alep" "Gouvernement de Damas" were used interchangeably with "l'Etat d'Alep" and "l'Etat de Damas" – for example, Arrete 279 1 October 1920 stated in its preamble: "Vu l'arrêté No 330 du 1er Septembre 1920 créant l'Etat d'Alep". The State of Aleppo (1920–1925, French: État d'Alep, Arabic: دولة حلب ) included a majority of Sunni Muslims. It covered northern Syria in addition to the entire fertile basin of river Euphrates of eastern Syria. These regions represented much of the agricultural and mineral wealth of Syria. The autonomous Sanjak of Alexandretta was added to the state of Aleppo in 1923. The capital was the northern city of Aleppo, which had large Christian and Jewish communities in addition to the Sunni Muslims. The state also incorporated minorities of Shiites and Alawites. Ethnic Kurds and Assyrians inhabited the eastern regions alongside the Arabs. The State of Damascus was a French mandate from 1920[32] to 1925. The capital was Damascus. The primarily Sunni population of the states of Aleppo and Damascus were strongly opposed to the division of Syria. This resulted in its quick end in 1925, when France united the states of Aleppo and Damascus into the State of Syria. Sanjak of AlexandrettaMain articles: Sanjak of Alexandretta and Hatay State Ethnographical map of Syria and Lebanon in a pre-World War I ethnographical map. The brown area around Alexandretta represents Turkish-speaking peoples.The Sanjak of Alexandretta became an autonomous province of Syria under Article 7 of the French-Turkish treaty of 20 October 1921: "A special administrative regime shall be established for the district of Alexandretta. The Turkish inhabitants of this district shall enjoy facility for their cultural development. The Turkish language shall have official recognition".[33] In 1923, Alexandretta was attached to the State of Aleppo, and in 1925 it was directly attached to the French mandate of Syria, still with special administrative status. The sanjak was given autonomy in November 1937 in an arrangement brokered by the League. Under its new statute, the sanjak became 'distinct but not separated' from the French Mandate of Syria on the diplomatic level, linked to both France and Turkey for defence matters. In 1938, the Turkish military went into the Syrian province and expelled most of its Arab and Armenian inhabitants.[34] Before this, Alawi Arabs and Armenians were the majority of Alexandretta's population.[34] The allocation of seats in the sanjak assembly was based on the 1938 census held by the French authorities under international supervision. The assembly was appointed in the summer of 1938, and the French-Turkish treaty settling the status of the Sanjak was signed on 4 July 1938.[citation needed] On 2 September 1938, the assembly proclaimed the Sanjak of Alexandretta as the Hatay State.[35] The republic lasted for one year under joint French and Turkish military supervision. The name Hatay itself was proposed by Atatürk and the government was under Turkish control. In 1939, following a popular referendum, the Hatay State became a Turkish province. State of Jabal DruzeMain article: Jabal al-Druze (state)On 24 October 1922, Arrêté 1641 established the "État Autonome du Djebel Druze" ("Autonomous State of Jebel Druze")[36] It was created for the Druze population of southern Syria.[37][32] It had a population of some 50,000 and its capital in As-Suwayda. In 1936, both Jebel Druze and the Alawite State were incorporated into the State of Syria.[30] Demands for autonomy not granted by the French Mandate authoritiesAl-Jazira ProvinceMain article: Al-Jazira ProvinceIn 1936–1937, there was some autonomist agitation among Assyrians and Kurds, supported by some Bedouins, in the province of Al-Jazira. Its partisans wanted the French troops to stay in the province in the event of a Syrian independence, as they feared the nationalist Damascus government would replace minority officials by Muslim Arabs from the capital. The French authorities refused to consider any new status of autonomy inside Syria.[38][39][40] Golan RegionIn Quneitra and the Golan Region, there was a sizeable Circassian community. For the same reasons as their Assyrian, Kurdish and Bedouin counterparts in Al-Jazira province in 1936–1937, several Circassian leaders wanted a special autonomy status for their region in 1938, as they feared the prospect of living in an independent Syrian republic under a nationalist Arab government hostile towards the minorities. They also wanted the Golan region to become a national homeland for Circassian refugees from the Caucasus. A Circassian battalion served in the French Army of the Levant and had helped it against the Arab nationalist uprisings. As in Al-Jazira Province, the French authorities refused to grant any autonomy status to the Golan Circassians.[41] High Commissioners26 Nov 1919 - 23 Nov 1922: Henri Gouraud23 Nov 1922 - 17 Apr 1923: Robert de Caix (acting)19 Apr 1923 - 29 Nov 1924: Maxime Weygand29 Nov 1924 - 23 Dec 1925: Maurice Sarrail23 Dec 1925 - 23 Jun 1926: Henry de JouvenelAug 1926 - 16 Jul 1933: Auguste Henri Ponsot16 Jul 1933 - Jan 1939: Damien de MartelJan 1939 - Nov 1940: Gabriel Puaux24 Nov 1940 - 27 Nov 1940: Jean Chiappe (died on flight to take office)6 Dec 1940 - 16 Jun 1941: Henri Dentz24 Jun 1941 - 7 Jun 1943: Georges Catroux7 Jun 1943 - 23 Nov 1943: Jean Helleu23 Nov 1943 - 23 Jan 1944: Yves Chataigneau23 Jan 1944 - 1 Sep 1946: Étienne Paul-Émile-Marie Beynet The capitulation of France in June 1940 brought Vichyappointed General Henri Dentz as high commissioner and a new cabinet headed by Khalid al Azm, a wealthy landlord from an old Damascus family who was to play a leading role in Syrian politics 22 years later. Despite continued German military successes elsewhere, British and Free French forces supported by troops of the Transjordan Arab Legion defeated the Vichy forces in both Syria and Lebanon. Control then passed to Free French authorities. The entry of Allied troops brought a promise from the Free French leader, General Charles de Gaulle, of eventual independence, although de Gaulle declared that so far as he was concerned, the mandate would remain in existence until a new French government legally brought it to an end. When Syrians elected a new parliament in 1943 with the National Bloc in control, the parliament elected Quwatly as president of Syria. During 1944 the Syrian government took over the functions of 14 administrative departments which had been under direct French control since 1920. These included those dealing with customs, social affairs, excise taxes, control of concessionary companies, and supervision of tribes. France retained control of social, cultural, and educational services as well as the Troupes Speciales du Levant (Levantine Special Forces), which were used for security purposes. Despite French opposition, the Soviet Union in July and the United States in September 1944 granted Syria and Lebanon unconditional recognition as sovereign states; British recognition followed a year later. These Allied nations pressured France to evacuate Syria. The new Syrian government demanded either the immediate and unconditional transfer of the Troupes Speciales de Levant to Syrian control or their disbandment, and threatened to form a national army unless such action was taken. But France made withdrawal of the troops dependent on Syria's signature of a treaty assigning France a privileged position in the country. In January 1945, the Syrian government announced the formation of a national army and in February declared war on the Axis powers. In March the nation became a charter member of the United Nations (UN), an indication of its sovereign status, and, in April, affirmed its allegiance to the idea of Arab unity by signing the pact of the League of Arab States (Arab League). The way in which the French left Syria, however, increased the already bitter feelings the Syrians had toward France. France was adamant in its demand that its cultural, economic, and strategic interests be protected by treaty before agreeing to withdraw the Troupes Speciales du Levant. In May 1945, demonstrations occurred in Damascus and Aleppo and, for the third time in 20 years, the French bombed and machine-gunned the ancient capital. Serious fighting broke out in Homs and Hamah as well. Only after Britain's Prime Minister Winston Churchill threatened to send troops to Damascus did General de Gaulle order a cease-fire. A UN resolution in February 1946 called on France to evacuate. The French acceded and, by April 15, 1946, all French troops were off Syrian soil. On April 17 Syria celebrated Evacuation Day; the date is a national holiday. The Levant (/ləˈvænt/) is an approximate historical geographical term referring to a large area in the Eastern Mediterranean, primarily in Western Asia. In its narrowest sense, it is equivalent to the historical region of Syria. In its widest historical sense, the Levant included all of the eastern Mediterranean with its islands;[3] that is, it included all of the countries along the Eastern Mediterranean shores, extending from Greece to Cyrenaica.[2][4] The term entered English in the late 15th century from French.[3] It derives from the Italian Levante, meaning "rising", implying the rising of the sun in the east,[2][4] and is broadly equivalent to the term Al-Mashriq (Arabic: الْمَشْرق , [almaʃriq])[5], meaning "the east, where the sun rises".[6] In the 13th and 14th centuries, the term levante was used for Italian maritime commerce in the Eastern Mediterranean, including Greece, Anatolia, Syria-Palestine, and Egypt, that is, the lands east of Venice.[2] Eventually the term was restricted to the Muslim countries of Syria-Palestine and Egypt.[2] In 1581, England set up the Levant Company to monopolize commerce with the Ottoman Empire.[2] The name Levant States was used to refer to the French mandate over Syria and Lebanon after World War I.[2][4] This is probably the reason why the term Levant has come to be used more specifically to refer to modern Syria, Lebanon, Palestine, Israel, Jordan, and Cyprus.[2] Some scholars misunderstood the term thinking that it derives from the name of Lebanon.[2] Today the term is often used in conjunction with prehistoric or ancient historical references. It has the same meaning as "Syria-Palestine" or Ash-Shaam (Arabic: الـشَّـام , /ʔaʃ-ʃaːm/), the area that is bounded by the Taurus Mountains of Turkey in the North, the Mediterranean Sea in the west, and the north Arabian Desert and Mesopotamia in the east.[7] Typically, it does not include Anatolia (also called Asia Minor), the Caucasus Mountains, or any part of the Arabian Peninsula proper. Cilicia (in Asia Minor) and the Sinai Peninsula (Asian Egypt) are sometimes included. The term Levant was widely used to describe the region from the 18th to the mid-19th centuries, and has had steady but lower usage since the late 19th century;[8] several dictionaries consider it to be archaic today.[9][10][11] Both the noun Levant and the adjective Levantine are now commonly used to describe the ancient and modern culture area formerly called Syro-Palestinian or Biblical: archaeologists now speak of the Levant and of Levantine archaeology;[12][13][14][15] food scholars speak of Levantine cuisine;[16][17] and the Latin Christians of the Levant continue to be called Levantine Christians.[18] The Levant has been described as the "crossroads of western Asia, the eastern Mediterranean, and northeast Africa",[19] and the "northwest of the Arabian plate".[20] The populations of the Levant[21][22] share not only the geographic position, but cuisine, some customs, and history. They are often referred to as Levantines.[23] Contents1Etymology2Geography and modern-day use of the term3History4Politics and religion5Language6See also7Notes8References9Bibliography10Further reading11External linksEtymologySee also: Names of the Levant French medal commemorating the war in CiliciaThe term Levant, which appeared in English in 1497, originally meant the East in general or "Mediterranean lands east of Italy".[24] It is borrowed from the French levant "rising", referring to the rising of the sun in the east,[24] or the point where the sun rises.[25] The phrase is ultimately from the Latin word levare, meaning 'lift, raise'. Similar etymologies are found in Greek Ἀνατολή (Anatolē, cf. Anatolia), in Germanic Morgenland (literally, "morning land"), in Italian (as in "Riviera di Levante", the portion of the Liguria coast east of Genoa), in Hungarian Kelet, in Spanish and Catalan Levante and Llevant, ("the place of rising"), and in Hebrew (Hebrew: מִזְרָח , mizrāḥ). Most notably, "Orient" and its Latin source oriens meaning "east", is literally "rising", deriving from Latin orior "rise".[26] The notion of the Levant has undergone a dynamic process of historical evolution in usage, meaning, and understanding. While the term "Levantine" originally referred to the European residents of the eastern Mediterranean region, it later came to refer to regional "native" and "minority" groups.[27] The term became current in English in the 16th century, along with the first English merchant adventurers in the region; English ships appeared in the Mediterranean in the 1570s, and the English merchant company signed its agreement ("capitulations") with the Ottoman Sultan in 1579.[28] The English Levant Company was founded in 1581 to trade with the Ottoman Empire, and in 1670 the French Compagnie du Levant was founded for the same purpose. At this time, the Far East was known as the "Upper Levant".[2] Postcard bearing a French stamp inscribed LevantIn early 19th-century travel writing, the term sometimes incorporated certain Mediterranean provinces of the Ottoman empire, as well as independent Greece (and especially the Greek islands). In 19th-century archaeology, it referred to overlapping cultures in this region during and after prehistoric times, intending to reference the place instead of any one culture. The French mandate of Syria and Lebanon (1920–1946) was called the Levant states.[2][4] Geography and modern-day use of the term Satellite view of the Levant including Cyprus, Syria, Israel, Jordan, Lebanon, Palestine and the Northern SinaiToday, "Levant" is the term typically used by archaeologists and historians with reference to the history of the region. Scholars have adopted the term Levant to identify the region due to it being a "wider, yet relevant, cultural corpus" that does not have the "political overtones" of Syria-Palestine.[b][c] The term is also used for modern events, peoples, states or parts of states in the same region,[29] namely Cyprus, Egypt, Iraq, Israel, Jordan, Lebanon, Palestine, Syria, and Turkey are sometimes considered Levant countries (compare with Near East, Middle East, Eastern Mediterranean and Western Asia). Several researchers include the island of Cyprus in Levantine studies, including the Council for British Research in the Levant,[30] the UCLA Near Eastern Languages and Cultures department,[31] Journal of Levantine Studies[32] and the UCL Institute of Archaeology,[19] the last of which has dated the connection between Cyprus and mainland Levant to the early Iron Age. Archaeologists seeking a neutral orientation that is neither biblical nor national have used terms such as Levantine archaeology and archaeology of the Southern Levant.[33][34] While the usage of the term "Levant" in academia has been restricted to the fields of archeology and literature, there is a recent attempt to reclaim the notion of the Levant as a category of analysis in political and social sciences. Two academic journals were recently launched: Journal of Levantine Studies, published by the Van Leer Jerusalem Institute and The Levantine Review, published by Boston College. The word Levant has been used in some translations of the term ash-Shām as used by the organization known as ISIL, ISIS, and other names, though there is disagreement as to whether this translation is accurate.[35] HistoryMain articles: History of the Middle East, Prehistory of the Levant, History of the ancient Levant, History of Palestine, and History of IsraelPolitics and religion Old Levantine Custom, Syrian and Lebanese men.The largest religious group in the Levant are the Muslims and the largest cultural-linguistic group are Arabs, due to the Muslim conquest of the Levant in the 7th century and subsequent Arabization of the region.[36][37] Other large ethnic groups in the Levant include Jews, Kurds, Turkmens, Assyrians and Armenians.[38] The majority of Muslim Levantines are Sunni, Alawi, or Shia Muslim. There are also Jews, Christians, Yazidi Kurds, Druze, and other smaller sects. [39] Until the establishment of the modern State of Israel in 1948, Jews lived throughout the Levant alongside Muslims and Christians; since then, almost all have been expelled from their homes and sought refuge in Israel. There are many Levantine Christian groups such as Greek, Oriental Orthodox (mainly Syriac Orthodox, Coptic, Georgian, and Maronite), Roman Catholic, Nestorian, and Protestant. Armenians mostly belong to the Armenian Apostolic Church. There are Levantines or Franco-Levantines who are mostly Roman Catholic. There are also Circassians, Turks, Samaritans, and Nawars. There are Assyrian peoples belonging to the Assyrian Church of the East (autonomous) and the Chaldean Catholic Church (Catholic).[40] In addition, this region has a number of sites that are of religious significance, such as Al-Aqsa Mosque,[41] the Church of the Holy Sepulchre,[42] and the Western Wall[43] in Jerusalem. Language Map representing the distribution of the Arabic dialects in the area of the Levant.Most populations in the Levant speak Levantine Arabic (شامي, Šāmī), usually classified as the varieties North Levantine Arabic in Lebanon, Syria, and parts of Turkey, and South Levantine Arabic in Palestine and Jordan. Each of these encompasses a spectrum of regional or urban/rural variations. In addition to the varieties normally grouped together as "Levantine", a number of other varieties and dialects of Arabic are spoken in the Levant area, such as Levantine Bedawi Arabic and Mesopotamian Arabic.[44] Among the languages of Israel, the official language is Hebrew; Arabic was until July 19, 2018, also an official language.[45] The Arab minority, in 2018 about 21% of the population of Israel,[45] speaks a dialect of Levantine Arabic essentially indistinguishable from the forms spoken in the Palestinian territories. Of the languages of Cyprus, the majority language is Greek, followed by Turkish (in the north). Two minority languages are recognized: Armenian, and Cypriot Maronite Arabic, a hybrid of mostly medieval Arabic vernaculars with strong influence from contact with Greek, spoken by approximately 1000 people.[46] Some communities and populations speak Aramaic, Greek, Armenian, Circassian, French, or English.[citation needed] August Jochmus (freiherr von Cotignola)'s The Syrian War and the Decline of the Ottoman Empire, 1840-1848: In Reports, Documents, and Correspondences, Etc, Volume 1, published in 1883, stated that Italian was previously the most common western European language in the Levant, but that it was being replaced by French.[47] See alsoMiddle East portalOverlapping regional designations Fertile CrescentMashriqMesopotamiaNear East and Middle EastWestern AsiaSub-regional designations Southern LevantOther French post offices in the Ottoman Empire ("Levant" stamps)History of the LevantIslamic State of Iraq and the Levant (Referred to in current events as ISIL or ISIS)Levantines (Latin Christians), Catholic Europeans in the LevantLevantine SeaOther places in the east of a larger region Levante, SpainRiviera di Levante, Italy The Levant Crisis also known as the Damascus Crisis, the Syrian Crisis or the Levant Confrontation was a military situation that took place between British and French forces in Syria in May 1945 soon after the end of World War II in Europe. French troops had tried to quell nationalist protests in Syria at the continued occupation of the Levant by France. With heavy Syrian casualties Winston Churchill opposed French action and sent British forces into Syria from Jordan with orders to fire on the French if necessary.[1] British armoured cars and troops then reached the Syrian capital Damascus following which the French were escorted and confined to their barracks.[2] With political pressure added the French ordered a ceasefire.[3] The crisis almost brought Britain and France to the point of war.[4][5] Contents1Background2Crisis2.1British intervention2.2Ceasefire & diplomacy3Aftermath4See also5References6BibliographyBackground Map of French Mandates - Syria and the LebanonAt the beginning of the 20th century Syria and Lebanon were two Arab states occupied a region known as the Levant and were part of the Ottoman Empire. After the Ottoman defeat there in World War I and as a result of the Treaty of Sevres, they were then ruled under a French mandate given by the League of Nations at the Paris Peace Conference in 1919. In 1936 Syria signed a treaty with France which provided Syrian independence. However, with the breakout of World War II this never happened as the French feared that Nazi Germany would capitalise if France relinquished its colonies in the Middle East. Riots thus broke out and the new President Hashim al-Atassi resigned. With the fall of France in 1940, Syria came under the control of Vichy France until the British and Free French occupied the country in the Syria-Lebanon campaign in July 1941.[6] Syria proclaimed its independence again in 1941, but it was not until 1 January 1944 that it was recognised as an independent republic. For several months after both Lebanon and Syria had seen demonstrations against the French. With more and more French reinforcements having arrived, the demonstrations soon escalated.[7] Charles De Gaulle as head of the French Provisional Government sent General Paul Beynet to establish an air base in Syria and a naval base in Lebanon in April 1945. News of this provoked more outbreaks of nationalism in Damascus. On VE Day both countries saw huge protests in which some French nationals were attacked and killed. The French responded to these protests with threats of artillery and air strikes in an effort to stop the movement towards independence. Talks ceased immediately, and skirmishes took place between the Arabs and the French and Senegalese forces while Syrian and Lebanese soldiers deserted their French officers.[8] CrisisThe crisis began proper on May 19 when demonstrations in Damascus involved firing on the grounds of the French hospital; about a dozen people were injured but none were killed. The next day serious rioting broke out in Aleppo in which a number of French soldiers were killed and some injured. In retaliation General Oliva Roget ordered his troops to open fire on demonstrators in Damascus. Within several days the fighting escalated between Syrian youths and the French army in Hama and Homs.[9] Winston Churchill and Charles De Gaulle in a meeting in 1944On May 29 French troops stormed the Syrian parliament and tried to arrest the President Shukri al-Quwatli and the speaker Saadallah al-Jabiri but both managed to escape. The French burned, bombarded the building and then cut off Damascus's electricity. They also sealed off Syria's borders with Jordan, Iraq and the Lebanon. The French began shelling with artillery and mortars while colonial Senegalese troops were sent in, who committed acts of looting and wanton destruction.[10] Quwatli having managed to escape via a British armoured car sent an urgent request for intervention to Prime Minister Winston Churchill for British troops to intervene.[11] Churchill said he would do what he could, but his relationship with Charles de Gaulle however was at this time at a low ebb following the visit to Paris the previous year in spite of his efforts to preserve French interests following the Yalta conference.[12] In January Churchill told a colleague that he believed that de Gaulle was "a great danger to peace and for Great Britain. After five years of experience, I am convinced that he is the worst enemy of France in her troubles ... he is one of the greatest dangers to European peace.... I am sure that in the long run no understanding will be reached with General de Gaulle".[5] General Bernard Paget, who was in charge of the British Ninth Army reminded the French they fell under his command.[13] De Gaulle had thought this ended with the war over in Europe but would actually terminate once the Pacific war had ended. Paget had a large force in the region at his disposal and threatened that he would be forced to intervene from the Transjordan if the violence did not stop. Churchill agreed but needed the backing of the United States and the Soviet Union in which to send British troops against the French.[9] At the same time the French army in the region had been severely weakened - nearly 70 percent of all officers and 40 percent of Syrian soldiers in the French Army of the Levant army had deserted their posts and taken up arms with the Syrian rebels. In Hama two French aircraft were downed, while the commander of a French unit was ambushed and killed. In Hauran French troops were rounded up disarmed - their weapons distributed to young men hoping to march towards Damascus to help the central government.[14] The French then called in for reinforcements and were now using their air force to drop bombs on suspected areas of resistance. At the same time the Syrian Prime Minister Faris al-Khoury was at the founding conference of the United Nations in San Francisco, presenting Syria's claim for independence and also ordered the fighting to stop. They were both backed by President Harry Truman, who declared "those French ought to be taken out and castrated".[15] British interventionFinally, on 31 May, with news that the casualty toll had exceeded a thousand Syrians, Churchill sent de Gaulle a message saying, "In order to avoid a collision between British and French forces, we request you immediately order French troops to cease fire and withdraw to their barracks". This was ignored and Churchill the next day without waiting for a response from the Americans authorised Paget to invade.[2] On June 1 Paget ordered his force to invade Syria from Transjordan, with troops and tanks of the 31st Indian Armoured Division.[16] They struck towards Damascus with 'D' Squadron of the Kings Dragoon Guards having rolled into Beirut from which they cut the communications of French General Fernand Oliva-Roget. Paget ordered Roget to tell his men to cease fire, but the Frenchman said that he would not take orders from the British even though Paget was his superior officer and Commander of Middle East Command. Paget then advanced towards Damascus; eventually and having realised he was heavily outnumbered, Roget ordered his men back to their base near the coast. He was angry that the British had arrived only after he had "restored order". He told a Syrian journalist, You are replacing the easygoing French with the brutal British.[17] That night, with the Syrians killing any French or Senegalese troops they could find, the French were forced to accept the British escort back to the safety of their barracks at gunpoint.[8] Sir Bernard Paget Commander of Middle East CommandThe British then had to mop up any of the French that had still not returned to their barracks much to the cheers of the people of Damascus.[1] The damage to the city was considerable - the Syrian parliament was a smouldering shell, a large area of the town had been destroyed by fire and the streets were pitted with shell holes.[13] The Manchester Guardian reported the event with patriotic delight: I marched into Damascus with the sailors…while crowds of surprised Damascenes clapped their hands…The people of Damascus hissed and booed the long line of British lorries, tanks and Bren gun carriers taking French troops out of the city, escorted by British armoured cars.[18] On 2 June De Gaulle realized nothing could be done and reluctantly arranged a ceasefire - Oliva-Roget was later sacked, but a furious row broke out between Britain and France.[13] Ceasefire & diplomacyOnce Paget had taken control of Damascus he then imposed a curfew on all French citizens. French soldiers were kept in their barracks and were not allowed to shoot except in self-defence under the watchful eyes of British guns. French ships were to stay out of gun range out to sea and not to move in unless told to. French aircraft were grounded with British troops guarding the airfields. British and Indian troops and tanks then spread all over Syria as there were still small mopping up operations to be done.[19] The next day with the ceasefire in place - two troops of 'A' Squadron of the Kings Dragoon Guards encamped on the Damascus race course, they escorted high-ranking French officers who were otherwise unable to move about the town safely.[19] By 12 June 'A' Squadron KDG went to Baalbek in the Bekaa valley and on 2 July 'B' Squadron was sent to Tel Kalakh to succour a French garrison which had been cut off. Two troops of 'B' Squadron, known as Mannforce, went on the 6 June to Latakia where the French had fired at a crowd, killing nineteen. On 10 July Mannforce, together with the 2nd Sherwood Foresters, were called to Baniyas when the French opened fire on the town with mortars and machine guns. With control restored there Lieutenant Mann then took a party to the Turkish frontier to bring back the horses and French officers of their Cavalry unit, whose men had deserted. By this time order was restored in the majority of Syria.[19] Beynet was furious and labelled the British measures as a stab in the back. De Gaulle raged against 'Churchill's ultimatum', saying that "the whole thing stank of oil".[12] The British ambassador to France Duff Cooper was summoned by the French foreign minister Georges Bidault saying whatever mistakes France had made she did not deserve such humiliation as this. De Gaulle saw it as a heinous Anglo-Saxon conspiracy: he told Cooper, I recognise that we are not in a position to wage war against you, but you have betrayed France and betrayed the West. That cannot be forgotten.[5] Quwatli was informed that British troops were in control of Syria; they requested Quwatli's cooperation in enforcing an evening curfew in the country. Quwatli complied and expressed his gratitude to the British government.[20] Aftermath Syrian President Shukri al-Quwatli declaring Syria's independence from France, 17 April 1946Continuing pressure from Syrian nationalist groups and the British intervention forced the French to withdraw completely from Syria to Lebanon by the end of July and by this time the Mandate had effectively been erased.[10] The British force took a more prominent role in the policing of Syrian cities and designated tribal areas over the Summer and Autumn of 1945.[17] France was isolated and was suffering yet another diplomatic crisis - the third one of 1945, after Stuttgart and the Val D'Aosta both of which had infuriated Truman.[21] The secretary of the Arab League Edward Atiyah said, "France put all her cards and two rusty pistols on the table".[1] The French saw the British intervention as a way to bring the Levantine states into its own sphere of influence. There were accusations in the French press that Britain had armed the demonstrators and that Britain was an enemy of France having made another example of herself as perfide albion. They also accused the United States of helping Italy and Germany more than it helped France during the war. The Russians made it clear that France was in the wrong but De Gaulle criticised them as well.[22] | The UK and the US had viewed the French military action in Syria as a potential catalyst for further unrest throughout the Middle East and a detriment to British and American lines of communication in the region.[11] In October the international community recognized the independence of Syria and Lebanon and were admitted as founding members of the United Nations. On 19 December 1945 an Anglo-French agreement was eventually signed - both British from Syria and French forces from the Lebanon were to be withdrawn by early 1946.[9] The French evacuated the last of their troops in April of that year whilst the British left in July. Syria became fully independent on 17 April 1946 which left both countries in the hands of a republican governments that had been formed during the mandate.[23] Bidault labelled the whole crisis worse than that of the Fashoda incident fifty years earlier.[3] The Levant Crisis also known as the Damascus Crisis, the Syrian Crisis or the Levant Confrontation was a military situation that took place between British and French forces in Syria in May 1945 soon after the end of World War II in Europe. French troops had tried to quell nationalist protests in Syria at the continued occupation of the Levant by France. With heavy Syrian casualties Winston Churchill opposed French action and sent British forces into Syria from Jordan with orders to fire on the French if necessary.[1] British armoured cars and troops then reached the Syrian capital Damascus following which the French were escorted and confined to their barracks.[2] With political pressure added the French ordered a ceasefire.[3] The crisis almost brought Britain and France to the point of war.[4][5] Contents1Background2Crisis2.1British intervention2.2Ceasefire & diplomacy3Aftermath4See also5References6BibliographyBackground Map of French Mandates - Syria and the LebanonAt the beginning of the 20th century Syria and Lebanon were two Arab states occupied a region known as the Levant and were part of the Ottoman Empire. After the Ottoman defeat there in World War I and as a result of the Treaty of Sevres, they were then ruled under a French mandate given by the League of Nations at the Paris Peace Conference in 1919. In 1936 Syria signed a treaty with France which provided Syrian independence. However, with the breakout of World War II this never happened as the French feared that Nazi Germany would capitalise if France relinquished its colonies in the Middle East. Riots thus broke out and the new President Hashim al-Atassi resigned. With the fall of France in 1940, Syria came under the control of Vichy France until the British and Free French occupied the country in the Syria-Lebanon campaign in July 1941.[6] Syria proclaimed its independence again in 1941, but it was not until 1 January 1944 that it was recognised as an independent republic. For several months after both Lebanon and Syria had seen demonstrations against the French. With more and more French reinforcements having arrived, the demonstrations soon escalated.[7] Charles De Gaulle as head of the French Provisional Government sent General Paul Beynet to establish an air base in Syria and a naval base in Lebanon in April 1945. News of this provoked more outbreaks of nationalism in Damascus. On VE Day both countries saw huge protests in which some French nationals were attacked and killed. The French responded to these protests with threats of artillery and air strikes in an effort to stop the movement towards independence. Talks ceased immediately, and skirmishes took place between the Arabs and the French and Senegalese forces while Syrian and Lebanese soldiers deserted their French officers.[8] CrisisThe crisis began proper on May 19 when demonstrations in Damascus involved firing on the grounds of the French hospital; about a dozen people were injured but none were killed. The next day serious rioting broke out in Aleppo in which a number of French soldiers were killed and some injured. In retaliation General Oliva Roget ordered his troops to open fire on demonstrators in Damascus. Within several days the fighting escalated between Syrian youths and the French army in Hama and Homs.[9] Winston Churchill and Charles De Gaulle in a meeting in 1944On May 29 French troops stormed the Syrian parliament and tried to arrest the President Shukri al-Quwatli and the speaker Saadallah al-Jabiri but both managed to escape. The French burned, bombarded the building and then cut off Damascus's electricity. They also sealed off Syria's borders with Jordan, Iraq and the Lebanon. The French began shelling with artillery and mortars while colonial Senegalese troops were sent in, who committed acts of looting and wanton destruction.[10] Quwatli having managed to escape via a British armoured car sent an urgent request for intervention to Prime Minister Winston Churchill for British troops to intervene.[11] Churchill said he would do what he could, but his relationship with Charles de Gaulle however was at this time at a low ebb following the visit to Paris the previous year in spite of his efforts to preserve French interests following the Yalta conference.[12] In January Churchill told a colleague that he believed that de Gaulle was "a great danger to peace and for Great Britain. After five years of experience, I am convinced that he is the worst enemy of France in her troubles ... he is one of the greatest dangers to European peace.... I am sure that in the long run no understanding will be reached with General de Gaulle".[5] General Bernard Paget, who was in charge of the British Ninth Army reminded the French they fell under his command.[13] De Gaulle had thought this ended with the war over in Europe but would actually terminate once the Pacific war had ended. Paget had a large force in the region at his disposal and threatened that he would be forced to intervene from the Transjordan if the violence did not stop. Churchill agreed but needed the backing of the United States and the Soviet Union in which to send British troops against the French.[9] At the same time the French army in the region had been severely weakened - nearly 70 percent of all officers and 40 percent of Syrian soldiers in the French Army of the Levant army had deserted their posts and taken up arms with the Syrian rebels. In Hama two French aircraft were downed, while the commander of a French unit was ambushed and killed. In Hauran French troops were rounded up disarmed - their weapons distributed to young men hoping to march towards Damascus to help the central government.[14] The French then called in for reinforcements and were now using their air force to drop bombs on suspected areas of resistance. At the same time the Syrian Prime Minister Faris al-Khoury was at the founding conference of the United Nations in San Francisco, presenting Syria's claim for independence and also ordered the fighting to stop. They were both backed by President Harry Truman, who declared "those French ought to be taken out and castrated".[15] British interventionFinally, on 31 May, with news that the casualty toll had exceeded a thousand Syrians, Churchill sent de Gaulle a message saying, "In order to avoid a collision between British and French forces, we request you immediately order French troops to cease fire and withdraw to their barracks". This was ignored and Churchill the next day without waiting for a response from the Americans authorised Paget to invade.[2] On June 1 Paget ordered his force to invade Syria from Transjordan, with troops and tanks of the 31st Indian Armoured Division.[16] They struck towards Damascus with 'D' Squadron of the Kings Dragoon Guards having rolled into Beirut from which they cut the communications of French General Fernand Oliva-Roget. Paget ordered Roget to tell his men to cease fire, but the Frenchman said that he would not take orders from the British even though Paget was his superior officer and Commander of Middle East Command. Paget then advanced towards Damascus; eventually and having realised he was heavily outnumbered, Roget ordered his men back to their base near the coast. He was angry that the British had arrived only after he had "restored order". He told a Syrian journalist, You are replacing the easygoing French with the brutal British.[17] That night, with the Syrians killing any French or Senegalese troops they could find, the French were forced to accept the British escort back to the safety of their barracks at gunpoint.[8] Sir Bernard Paget Commander of Middle East CommandThe British then had to mop up any of the French that had still not returned to their barracks much to the cheers of the people of Damascus.[1] The damage to the city was considerable - the Syrian parliament was a smouldering shell, a large area of the town had been destroyed by fire and the streets were pitted with shell holes.[13] The Manchester Guardian reported the event with patriotic delight: I marched into Damascus with the sailors…while crowds of surprised Damascenes clapped their hands…The people of Damascus hissed and booed the long line of British lorries, tanks and Bren gun carriers taking French troops out of the city, escorted by British armoured cars.[18] On 2 June De Gaulle realized nothing could be done and reluctantly arranged a ceasefire - Oliva-Roget was later sacked, but a furious row broke out between Britain and France.[13] Ceasefire & diplomacyOnce Paget had taken control of Damascus he then imposed a curfew on all French citizens. French soldiers were kept in their barracks and were not allowed to shoot except in self-defence under the watchful eyes of British guns. French ships were to stay out of gun range out to sea and not to move in unless told to. French aircraft were grounded with British troops guarding the airfields. British and Indian troops and tanks then spread all over Syria as there were still small mopping up operations to be done.[19] The next day with the ceasefire in place - two troops of 'A' Squadron of the Kings Dragoon Guards encamped on the Damascus race course, they escorted high-ranking French officers who were otherwise unable to move about the town safely.[19] By 12 June 'A' Squadron KDG went to Baalbek in the Bekaa valley and on 2 July 'B' Squadron was sent to Tel Kalakh to succour a French garrison which had been cut off. Two troops of 'B' Squadron, known as Mannforce, went on the 6 June to Latakia where the French had fired at a crowd, killing nineteen. On 10 July Mannforce, together with the 2nd Sherwood Foresters, were called to Baniyas when the French opened fire on the town with mortars and machine guns. With control restored there Lieutenant Mann then took a party to the Turkish frontier to bring back the horses and French officers of their Cavalry unit, whose men had deserted. By this time order was restored in the majority of Syria.[19] Beynet was furious and labelled the British measures as a stab in the back. De Gaulle raged against 'Churchill's ultimatum', saying that "the whole thing stank of oil".[12] The British ambassador to France Duff Cooper was summoned by the French foreign minister Georges Bidault saying whatever mistakes France had made she did not deserve such humiliation as this. De Gaulle saw it as a heinous Anglo-Saxon conspiracy: he told Cooper, I recognise that we are not in a position to wage war against you, but you have betrayed France and betrayed the West. That cannot be forgotten.[5] Quwatli was informed that British troops were in control of Syria; they requested Quwatli's cooperation in enforcing an evening curfew in the country. Quwatli complied and expressed his gratitude to the British government.[20] Aftermath Syrian President Shukri al-Quwatli declaring Syria's independence from France, 17 April 1946Continuing pressure from Syrian nationalist groups and the British intervention forced the French to withdraw completely from Syria to Lebanon by the end of July and by this time the Mandate had effectively been erased.[10] The British force took a more prominent role in the policing of Syrian cities and designated tribal areas over the Summer and Autumn of 1945.[17] France was isolated and was suffering yet another diplomatic crisis - the third one of 1945, after Stuttgart and the Val D'Aosta both of which had infuriated Truman.[21] The secretary of the Arab League Edward Atiyah said, "France put all her cards and two rusty pistols on the table".[1] The French saw the British intervention as a way to bring the Levantine states into its own sphere of influence. There were accusations in the French press that Britain had armed the demonstrators and that Britain was an enemy of France having made another example of herself as perfide albion. They also accused the United States of helping Italy and Germany more than it helped France during the war. The Russians made it clear that France was in the wrong but De Gaulle criticised them as well.[22] | The UK and the US had viewed the French military action in Syria as a potential catalyst for further unrest throughout the Middle East and a detriment to British and American lines of communication in the region.[11] In October the international community recognized the independence of Syria and Lebanon and were admitted as founding members of the United Nations. On 19 December 1945 an Anglo-French agreement was eventually signed - both British from Syria and French forces from the Lebanon were to be withdrawn by early 1946.[9] The French evacuated the last of their troops in April of that year whilst the British left in July. Syria became fully independent on 17 April 1946 which left both countries in the hands of a republican governments that had been formed during the mandate.[23] Bidault labelled the whole crisis worse than that of the Fashoda incident fifty years earlier.[3] Joseph Clark Grew (May 27, 1880 – May 25, 1965) was an American career diplomat and Foreign Service officer. Early in his career, he was the chargé d'affaires at the American Embassy in Vienna when the Austro-Hungarian Empire severed diplomatic relations with the United States on April 9, 1917.[1] Later, Grew was the Ambassador to Denmark (1920–1921) and Ambassador to Switzerland (1921–1924). In 1924, Grew became the Under Secretary of State, and in this position he oversaw the establishment of the U.S. Foreign Service. Grew was the Ambassador to Turkey (1927–1932) and the Ambassador to Japan beginning in 1932. He was the American ambassador in Tokyo at the time of the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor (December 7, 1941) and the opening of war between the United States and the Japanese Empire. Ambassador Grew was interned for nine months by the Japanese government, but he was released to return to the United States in July 1942.[2][3] Contents1Early life2Career2.1Ambassador to Denmark2.2Ambassador to Switzerland2.3Under Secretary of State (1924–1927)2.4Ambassador to Turkey2.5Ambassador to Japan2.5.1The atomic bomb dilemma2.6Under Secretary of State (1944–1945)2.6.1Forcible return of Soviet POWs2.7Other work3Personal life3.1Descendants4In popular culture5Published works6References7Further reading8External linksEarly lifeGrew was born in Boston, Massachusetts, in May 1880, and starting in his early years, he was groomed for public service. At the age of 12 he was sent to Groton School, a boys' preparatory school whose purpose was to "cultivate manly Christian character". Grew was there just two grades ahead of Franklin D. Roosevelt. During his youth, Grew enjoyed the outdoors, sailing, camping, and hunting during his summers away from school. After graduating from Groton, one of only four men in his class to do so, Grew attended Harvard University, graduating in 1902.[4] Following graduation, Grew made a tour of the Far East, and nearly died after being stricken with malaria. While recovering in India, he became friends with an American consul there. This inspired him to abandon his plan of following in his father's career as a banker, and he decided to go into diplomatic service.[5] CareerIn 1904, Grew obtained his first job in diplomacy as a clerk at the American consulate in Cairo, Egypt. Grew was then promoted to vice-consul in Egypt.[6] From 1912 to 1917, Grew was an aide to the American ambassador James W. Gerard in Berlin, serving in Germany until the United States entered World War I in April 1917 and diplomatic relations were broken with Germany. Grew later found himself in a very similar situation when the United States went to war with the Japanese Empire in 1941.[6] In November 1918 after the Armistice was signed with Germany, Grew worked at the United States Department of State in Washington, D.C. In 1918, Grew was appointed secretary to the United States Commission to the Versailles Peace Conference. Ambassador to DenmarkAfter the Versailles Peace Conference, from April 7, 1920, until October 14, 1921, Grew served as the U.S. Ambassador to Denmark appointed by President Woodrow Wilson. He was preceded by Norman Hapgood and succeeded by John Dyneley Prince. Ambassador to SwitzerlandOn September 24, 1921, Grew replaced Hampson Gary as the United States Ambassador to Switzerland, appointed by President Warren Harding. In 1922, he and Richard Child acted as the American observers at the Conference of Lausanne.[7] Grew served as Ambassador until March 22, 1924, when Hugh S. Gibson replaced him. Under Secretary of State (1924–1927)From April 16, 1924, until June 30, 1927, Grew served as the Under Secretary of State in Washington under President Calvin Coolidge, taking over from William Phillips. Ambassador to TurkeyIn 1927, Grew was appointed as the American ambassador to Turkey. He served in Constantinople for five years from 1927 until 1932 at which point he was offered the opportunity to return to the Far East. Ambassador to JapanIn 1932, Grew was appointed by President Herbert Hoover to succeed William Cameron Forbes as the United States Ambassador to Japan, where he took up his posting on June 6.[8] Ambassador and Mrs. Grew had been happy in Turkey, and were hesitant about the move, but decided that Grew would have a unique opportunity to make the difference between peace and war between the United States and Japan. The Grews soon became popular in Japanese society, joining clubs and societies there, and adapting to the culture, even as relations between the two countries deteriorated. On January 27, 1941, Grew secretly cabled the United States with information gathered from Ricardo Rivera Screiber, Peruvian Minister to Japan, that "Japan military forces planned a surprise mass attack at Pearl Harbor in case of 'trouble' with the United States", information that was declassified twelve years later.[9][10][11] Grew's account says "There is a lot of talk around town to the effect that the Japanese in case of a break with the United States, are planning to go all out in a surprise mass attack on Pearl Harbour. Of course I informed our Government".[12] Grew's report was provided to Admiral Harold R. Stark, Chief of Naval Operations, and Admiral Husband Kimmel, Commander-in-chief of the U.S. Pacific Fleet, but it was discounted by both.[13] Months before the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor, Robert Stinnett in Day of Deceit claimed that Japan's naval ministry registered a fallacious protest with Ambassador Grew in Tokyo: "On the night of July 31, 1941, Japanese fleet units at anchor in Sukumo Bay picked up the sound of propellers approaching Bungo Channel from the eastward. Duty destroyers of the Japanese navy investigated and sighted two darkened cruisers that disappeared in a southerly direction behind a smoke screen when they were challenged." The protest concluded: "Japanese naval officers believe the vessels were United States cruisers."[14] Grew's own account is that on July 31 a Japanese naval aviator dropped a bomb very near the Tutuila at Chungking; he said it was "utterly inconceivable" that the incident was accidental and he protested to Foreign Minister. He headed the section "Japan and America come within eight yards of war" Yosuke Matsuoka.[15] Grew was serving as U.S. Ambassador until December 7, 1941, when the United States and Japan severed diplomatic relations after the Japanese bombing of Pearl Harbor and Allied diplomats were interned. On April 18, 1942, American B-25 bombers flying from the USS Hornet on the famous Doolittle Raid, attacked Tokyo and other cities. Grew witnessed the attack while interned. When he realised the low-flying planes over Tokyo were American (not Japanese planes on maneuvers) he thought they may have flown from the Aleutian Islands, as they appeared too large to be from a carrier. The Japanese press claimed that nine had been shot down, but there were no pictures of crashed planes. Embassy staff were "very happy and proud".[16] In accordance with diplomatic treaties, the United States and Japan negotiated the repatriation of their diplomats via neutral territory. In July 1942, Grew and 1,450 other American and foreign citizens went via steamship from Tokyo to Lourenço Marques in Portuguese East Africa (now Maputo, Mozambique) aboard the Japanese liner Asama Maru and her backup, the Italian liner Conte Verde. The Japanese Ambassador to the United States, Kichisaburo Nomura, along with 1,096 other Japanese citizens, steamed from New York City to Lourenço Marques on board the Gripsholm, an ocean liner registered in Sweden. On July 22, the exchange of personnel took place, and then the Gripsholm steamed to Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, and thence to New Jersey.[17] The atomic bomb dilemmaGrew wrote in 1942 that while he expected Nazi Germany to collapse as the German Empire had in 1918, he did not expect the Japanese Empire to do so: I know Japan; I lived there for ten years. I know the Japanese intimately. The Japanese will not crack. They will not crack morally or psychologically or economically, even when eventual defeat stares them in the face. They will pull in their belts another notch, reduce their rations from a bowl to a half bowl of rice, and fight to the bitter end. Only by utter physical destruction or utter exhaustion of their men and materials can they be defeated.[18] Grew became a member of a committee, along with the Secretary of War, Henry Stimson, and the Secretary of the Navy, James Forrestal, that sought to work out an alternative to the use of the atomic bomb as a weapon, in order to bring about Japan's surrender. Assistant Secretary of War John J. McCloy drafted a proposed surrender demand for the Committee of Three, which was incorporated into Article 12 of the Potsdam Declaration. The original language of the Proclamation would have increased the chances for Japanese surrender as it allowed the Japanese government to maintain its emperor as a "constitutional monarchy". President Harry S. Truman, who was influenced by Secretary of State James Byrnes during the trip via warship to Europe for the Potsdam Conference, changed the language of the surrender demand. Grew knew how important the emperor was to the Japanese people and believed that the condition could have led to Japanese surrender without using the atomic bombs. Under Secretary of State (1944–1945)Grew was again appointed as an Under Secretary of State upon his return to the United States serving from December 20, 1944 until August 15, 1945 under President Roosevelt. In 1943, Grew received an honorary doctorate from Bates College. He served as the Acting Secretary of State for most of the period from January through August 1945 while the Secretaries of State Edward Stettinius and James F. Byrnes were away at conferences. Among high-level officials in the Truman Administration, Grew was the most knowledgeable of Japanese issues, after having spent so many years in Japan. Grew was also the author of a profoundly influential book about Japan, titled Ten Years in Japan. Forcible return of Soviet POWsBy May 1945, the U.S. held a number of Soviet prisoners-of-war (POWs) who had been captured while serving voluntarily or involuntarily[19] in some capacity in the German Army, mostly as rear area personnel (ammunition bearers, cooks, drivers, sanitation orderlies, or guards). Unlike the German prisoners, who were looking forward to release at war's end, the Soviet prisoners urgently requested asylum in the United States, or at least repatriation to a country not under Soviet occupation, as they knew they would be shot by Joseph Stalin as traitors for being captured (under Soviet law, one only had to surrender to earn the death penalty).[20][21] The question of the Soviet POWs' conduct was difficult to determine, though not their fate if repatriated. Most of the Soviet POWs stated that they had been given a choice by the Germans: volunteer for labor duty with the German army, or be turned over to the Gestapo for execution or service in an arbeitslager (a camp used to work prisoners until they died of starvation or illness). In any case, in Stalin's eyes they were dead men, as they had 1) been captured alive, 2) had been 'contaminated' by contact with those in bourgeois Western nations, and 3) had been found in service with the German army.[19] Notified of their impending transfer to Soviet authorities, a riot at their POW camp erupted; while no one was killed by the guards, some were wounded while other Soviet prisoners hanged themselves; President Truman granted the men a temporary reprieve. Nevertheless, Grew, as Acting Secretary of State, signed an order on July 11, 1945 forcing the repatriation of the Soviet POWs to the Soviet Union. Soviet cooperation, it was believed, would prove necessary to remake the face of postwar Europe. On August 31, 1945, the 153 survivors were officially returned to the Soviet Union; their ultimate fate is unknown.[21] Other workGrew's book Sport and Travel in the Far East was a favorite one of Roosevelt's. The introduction to the 1910 Houghton Mifflin printing of the book features the following introduction written by Roosevelt: My dear Grew,— I was greatly interested in your book "Sport and Travel in the Far East" and I think it is a fine thing to have a member of our diplomatic service able both to do what you have done, and to write about it as well and as interestingly as you have written.... Your description, both of the actual hunting and the people and surroundings, is really excellent;... In 1945, after Grew left the State Department, he wrote two volumes of professional memoirs, published in 1952. Personal life Painting of his wife and her sisters, Lilla Cabot Perry, The Trio (Alice, Edith, and, Margaret Perry) by their mother, Lilla Cabot Perry, ca. 1898–1900Grew married Alice Perry (b. 1884), the daughter of premier American impressionist painter Lilla Cabot Perry (1848–1933), daughter of Dr. Samuel Cabot (of the New England Cabots) and her husband, noted American scholar Thomas Sergeant Perry (1845–1928). Through her paternal grandfather, she was a great-granddaughter of famed American naval hero Oliver Hazard Perry. Together, Joseph and Alice were the parents of: Lilla Cabot Grew (1907–1994), who married Jay Pierrepont Moffat (1896–1943), the American Ambassador to Canada, in 1927.He died two days before his 85th birthday on May 25, 1965. DescendantsGrew's grandson, Jay Pierrepont Moffat, Jr. (b. 1932), was the United States Ambassador to Chad from 1983 to 1985. In popular cultureIn the 1970 film Tora! Tora! Tora!, a historical drama about the 1941 Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor, the part of US Ambassador Joseph Grew was played by Meredith Weatherby. Listed By: Dealer or Reseller, Date of Creation: 1945, Original/Reprint: Original Print

PicClick Insights PicClick Exclusive
  •  Popularity - 98 views, 1.3 views per day, 73 days on eBay. High amount of views. 0 sold, 1 available.
  •  Price -
  •  Seller - 666+ items sold. 0% negative feedback. Great seller with very good positive feedback and over 50 ratings.
Similar Items